PORFIRIO    DIAZ 


BY 


RAFAEL   DE   ZAYAS   ENRIQUEZ 


D.  APPLETON  AND  COMPANY 
NEW  YORK 

1908 


COPYRIGHT,  1908,  BY 
D.  APPLETON  AND  COMPANY 


Published  September,  1908 


TBANSLATOK'S   NOTE 

IT  may  interest  the  reader  to  know  some- 
thing of  the  author  of  this  book,  and  of  his 
motive  in  writing  it.  Senor  de  Zayas  is  the 
Poet  Laureate  of  Mexico,  and  has  written,  * 
besides  poems,  a  considerable  number  of  his- 
toric and  other  works.  He  was  educated  as  a  ^ 
lawyer,  has  been  an  officer  in  the  army,  and  is 
now  a  member  of  the  Mexican  Congress.  He 
has  been  a  lifelong  friend  of  President  Diaz, 
but  has  lately  begun  to  differ  with  him  on  cer- 
tain points  regarding  the  policy  of  govern- 
ment, as  the  reader  of  this  book  will  notice, 
especially  in  the  last  chapters.  Senor  de 
Zayas  is  an  ardent  patriot  and  thoroughly  in 
earnest ;  he  is  so  desirous  that  his  exact  feel- 
ing and  opinion  should  be  given  to  the  public, 
that  he  has  gone  over  with  the  translator 
every  word  of  the  American  edition.  The 
book  consequently  represents  the  author's 


292970 


TRANSLATOR'S   NOTE 

precise  expression  down  to  the  turn  of  a 
phrase  and  the  use  of  a  simile.  Though  this 
may  in  some  instances  detract  from  the  flu- 
ency of  the  English  and  not  sufficiently  take 
into  account  the  difference  in  taste  and  habits 
of  thought  of  the  American  and  the  Mexican 
public,  it  has  seemed  to  be  of  paramount  im- 
portance in  a  book  of  this  kind  to  reproduce 
faithfully  the  thought  of  the  author  and  the 
atmosphere  of  his  country.  The  chief  value 
of  such  a  work  is  historical,  and,  as  it  stands, 
this  biography  is  a  page  from  current  his- 
tory, hot  from  the  author's  brain,  and  replete 
with  the  spirit  of  Mexico. 

T.  QUINCY  BKOWNE,  JB. 

MORRISTOWN  SCHOOL;  MORRISTOWN,  N.  J. 
January  15,  1908. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

I. — PRELIMINARY  REFLECTIONS 1 

II. — THE  PHYSICAL  AND  MORAL  CHARACTERISTICS  OP 

PRESIDENT  DIAZ 18 

III. — PERIOD  OF  FORMATION 51 

IV. — PERIOD  OF  DEVELOPMENT 73 

V. — DIAZ  AS  A  REVOLUTIONARY  LEADER  ...       99 

.     VI. — DIAZ  AS  PRESIDENT 128 

VII. — THE  RE-ELECTION  OF  GENERAL  DfAz        .       .153 

VIII. — WHY  GENERAL  DIAZ  HAS  REMAINED  IN  POWER    172 

IX. — Is  GENERAL  DIAZ  A  TYRANT  OR  A  DESPOT?       .     190 

X. — PRESENT  CONDITIONS  IN  MEXICO        .       .       .217 

XI. — THE  LAST  PHASE  OF  THE  EVOLUTION  OF  PRESI- 
DENT DfAZ 252 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


FACING 
PAGE 

Porfirio  Dfaz  in  1907 Frontispiece 

President  Diaz  in  the  Uniform  of  Major  General    .       .       48 
General  Porfirio  Diaz  in  1867 134 

Sefiora  Dofia  Carmen  Romero  Rubio  de  Dfaz,  Wife  of 

President  Porfirio  Dfaz 220 


^^*S*^R^W 

OF  THE  ; 

I   UNIVERSITY  I 
V  OF  :/ 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 


CHAPTER  I 

PRELIMINARY    REFLECTIONS 

TO  judge  a  public  man  fairly,  we  must 
consider  first  of  all  the  objects  of  his 
ambition,  and  secondly  the  means  he 
has  used  to  gain  these  objects;  nor  should 
we  lose  sight  of  the  resources  at  his  com- 
mand, the  character  of  his  time,  and  all 
the  surrounding  conditions.  Although  in  the 
maelstrom  of  politics  the  means  employed 
may  count  for  little,  and  only  the  results  be 
considered,  it  is  a  very  different  matter  be- 
fore the  tribunal  of  history.  There  every- 
thing must  be  examined  with  the  most  relent- 
less and  impartial  scrutiny;  the  maxim  that 
the  end  justifies  the  means  will  not  pass  mus- 
ter, and  only  that  which  is  good  in  purpose, 
as  well  as  good  in  result,  is  deemed  worthy. 

1 


POEFIEIO   DIAZ 

When  in  politics  the  desired  end  is  ob- 
tained, whether  through  the  use  of  reprehen- 
sible methods  or  not,  society  gladly  appro- 
priates the  fruits;  for  the  public  cannot  be 
expected  to  renounce  its  blessings,  even  if 
they  come  from  tainted  sources.  But  the  his- 
k/torian  is  obliged  to  analyze  men  and  deeds, 
motives  and  results;  and,  although  he  may 
admire  the  achievement,  he  must  censure  the 
man  and  never  on  any  account  represent  him 
as  worthy  of  imitation,  under  pain  of  being 
considered  an  accomplice  of  evil,  without 
gaining  the  credit  of  participation  in  the  ad- 
vancement of  society. 

There  is  in  the  success  of  genius,  however, 
a  quality  which  compels  universal  admira- 
tion;  perhaps  because  his  brilliancy  dazzles 
his  contemporaries  and  prevents  them  from 
seeing  his  faults.  This  effect  is  enhanced  by 
the  work  of  the  poet,  who,  carried  away  by 
his  own  inspiration,  makes  a  god  of  his  hero, 
presenting  him  before  us  endowed  with  every 
perfection,  without  weaknesses  or  doubts,  im- 

2 


PRELIMINARY   REFLECTIONS 

peccable,  irresistible,  the  very  incarnation  of 
omnipotent  will,  hallowed  by  his  origin,  and 
deserving  blind  worship  for  the  sake  of  his 
mission.  For  this  reason  Plutarch  in  his 
celebrated  work,  entitled  "  How  a  Young  Man 
Should  Listen  to  Poetry,"  says,  "  As  long  as 
a  young  man  admires  only  that  which  poets 
say  and  do  rightly,  there  will  be  no  ill  ef- 
fects ;  but  if  he  admires  indiscriminately,  his 
moral  standards  will  insensibly  deteriorate." 
In  history,  we  do  not  find  the  material 
necessary  for  the  formation  of  accurate  esti- 
mates of  the  leaders  of  humanity,  the  creators 
of  nations,  and  the  real  makers  of  history,  be- 
cause historians  give  greater  prominence  to 
battles  and  events  than  to  men,  and  always 
follow  a  preconceived  and  pretentious  philos- 
ophy, to  which  everything  is  subordinated, 
whether  in  the  name  of  Providence  or  Fate, 
Evolution  or  Chance.  In  so  doing,  they  fail 
to  give  due  weight  to  the  effect  of  the  per- 
sonality and  genius  of  individuals ;  forgetful 
of  the  fact  that  the  true  study  of  mankind  is 

3 


PORFIBIO   DIAZ 

man,  and  that  history  represents  the  eternal 
ebb  and  flow  of  the  tide  of  thought  and  ac- 
tion. History,  to  be  of  positive  profit,  should 
give  an  insight  into  the  springs  of  action  of 
the  great  leaders  of  humanity,  such  as  Moses 
or  Christ,  Alexander  or  Caesar,  Leo  X  or 
Luther,  Charles  V  or  Philip  II,  Frederick  the 
Great  or  Napoleon,  Eichelieu  or  Voltaire, 
Washington  or  Benito  Juarez.  We  should 
have  placed  before  us  all  the  resources  and 
difficulties  surrounding  the  life  of  each,  the 
environment  which  molds  from  without  and 
the  character  of  the  man  which  modifies  the 
circumstances  from  within.  For  every  ac- 
tion, no  matter  what  its  nature,  is  the  direct 
result  of  this  double  operation  of  the  envi- 
ronment from  without  and  the  man  from 
within. 

Contrary  to  the  opinion  of  many  note- 
worthy authors,  I  attach  as  much  importance 
to  the  hero  in  a  history  as  I  should  in  a 
dramatic  poem;  because  I  believe  that  his- 
tory, far  from  being  impersonal,  is  supreme- 

4 


PEELIMINABY  KEFLECTIONS 

ly  personal;  each  epoch  takes  the  character- 
impressed  upon  it  by  its  greatest  figure.  For 
this  reason,  I  think  that  biography  is  of  the 
greatest  value ;  it  really  furnishes  the  key  to 
history.  It  also  fills  the  countless  gaps  which 
are  always  apparent  when  one  studies  a 
period  critically  and  with  a  desire  to  under- 
stand something  more  than  the  sequence  of 
names,  dates,  and  events.  But,  in  order  that 
biography  may  fulfill  this  mission,  it  is  neces- 
sary that  the  biographer  should  proceed  with 
caution,  with  perfect  understanding  of  causes 
and  effects,  and  with  irreproachable  impar- 
tiality. This  last  is  a  point  of  honor  with 
any  one  who  devotes  himself  to  a  work  of  this 
kind.  Still  he  must  not  exclude  enthusiasm, 
nor,  on  the  other  hand,  withhold  censure 
when  it  is  deserved. 

I  believe  the  old  custom  of  converting  one's 
hero  into  a  demigod  is  as  false  and  pernicious 
as  that,  which  many  modern  authors  follow, 
of  undervaluing  the  subject  of  their  biog- 
raphy to  the  point  of  making  him  common- 

5 


POEFIRIO   VIA 

place  and  without  distinction. 
Oscar  Wilde  that  "  cheap  ed  reat 

books  may  be  delightful,  but  ions 

of  great  men  are  absolutely  c 

Carlyle  was  right,  I  think,  that 

to  form  a  just  estimate  of  a  nictn  v,^  ould 
consider  first  his  virtues  and  afterwards  his 
defects.  But,  admitting,  as  I  am  sure  we 
must,  that  every  character  is  made  up  of  a 
mixture  of  both,  to  present  the  former  all  at 
one  time,  and  the  latter,  catalogued  separate- 
ly, afterwards,  would  make  the  work  of  little 
value  to  the  student.  For  to  him  the  thing  of 
importance  is  the  delineation  of  the  charac- 
ter resulting  from  the  combination  of  these 
two  elements  in  a  human  being.  Analysis  is 
therefore  necessary,  but  only  on  condition 
that  the  personality  should  also  be  synthetic- 
ally reconstructed. 

If  biography  is  a  sea  filled  with  reefs,  when 
its  subject  is  a  man  who  from  the  beginning 
of  his  career  has  followed  a  single  course, 

6 


PEELIMINAEY   REFLECTIONS 

consecrated  to  science  or  art,  or  has  distin- 
guished himself  only  as  a  soldier  or  as  a 
statesman,  how  much  greater  is  the  difficulty, 
when  the  subject  of  one's  study  unites  to  an 
exceptional  degree,  as  in  the  case  of  Porfirio 
Diaz,  the  traits  of  both  the  soldier  and  the 
statesman;  figuring  in  the  history  of  his 
country  as  a  great  military  genius,  who  is  at  ^~" 
the  same  time  and  most  of  all  honored  as  the 
statesman  who  brought  peace  and  progress// 
to  his  people.  In  such  a  case,  it  is  most 
difficult  to  decide  which  side  of  his  character 
is  most  worthy  of  the  admiration  and  appre- 
ciation of  his  fellow  citizens  and  of  the  world. 
And  the  admiration  is  so  much  the  more  jus- 
tified, when  we  realize  that  diametrically  op- 
posed, if  not  mutually  exclusive,  qualities 
are  necessary  to  create  a  military  genius  of 
the  first  order  and  a  statesman  of  sufficient 
power  to  modify  the  national  character  and 
establish  peace  from  the  very  elements  which 
he  had  previously  used  for  carrying  on  war. 

History  furnishes  examples  of  great  war- 
2  7 


POEFIEIO   DIAZ 

riors,  who  were  also  great  statesmen;  we 
must  notice,  too,  that  not  one  of  these  ever 
made  any  attempt  to  bring  about  peace,  or 
had  any  idea  of  laying  aside  the  sword,  with 
which  he  had  cut  his  way  to  power  and  re- 
nown. Proof  of  this  assertion  will  be  found 
in  the  cases  of  Julius  Caesar  and  Napoleon, 
in  both  of  whom  we  see  united  the  great 
qualities  above  mentioned.  Caesar,  who  was 
assassinated  when  at  the  height  of  his  power 
and  glory,  was  at  that  very  moment  planning 
a  great  expedition  against  the  Parthians, 
counting  upon  their  defeat  in  order  to  return 
through  Scythia  and  Germania,  and  thus  ex- 
tend the  limits  of  his  empire  to  the  shores 
of  the  ocean.  Napoleon  fell  in  the  struggle, 
and  died  a  prisoner.  "  My  power  will  fall," 
he  declared,  "unless  I  maintain  it  by  new 
victories.  Conquest  has  made  me  what  I  am 
and  conquest  must  sustain  me."  Such  was 
his  profession  of  faith.  Washington  was  a 
great  statesman  and  a  mediocre  general. 
Grant  was  a  great  general  and  a  mediocre 

8 


PEELIMINAEY   EEFLECTIONS 

statesman.    But  in  Porfirio  Diaz  we  find 
qualities  developed  to  the  highest  degree. 

In  the  first  part  of  his  career,  we  see 
soldier,  subordinating  everything  to  the  art 
of  war,  his  life  devoted  exclusively  to  the  tri- 
umph, through  arms,  of  those  political  prin- 
ciples which  he  had  espoused,  and  to  the 
maintenance  of  national  existence  in  the 
face  of  the  French  invasion.  He  was  the 
most  successful  and  renowned  upholder  of 
his  country's  cause  on  the  field  of  battle.  In 
the  second  part  of  his  career,  when  he  had 
reached  the  presidency,  we  find  the  states- 
man studying  the  great  problems  of  peace 
and  handling  them  with  consummate  skill, 
eliminating  all  seeds  of  discord,  restraining 
unwholesome  passions  and  dangerous  im- 
patience, and  banishing  war,  which  at  that 
time  seemed  the  natural  condition  of  Mexico. 

I  believe  that  this  apparent  contradiction 
in  his  career  has  its  logical  explanation. 
For,  although  Porfirio  Diaz  had  from  the 
first  warlike  instincts,  a  very  natural  thing 

9 


POBFIKIO   DIAZ 

in  one  who  was  born  and  brought  up  in  the 
midst  of  constant  political  and  foreign  wars, 
his  education  fitted  him  for  a  civil  career,  that 
of  a  lawyer ;  furthermore,  in  his  preparation 
for  college,  he  acquired  the  rudiments  of  sci- 
ence, which  time  and  experience  matured  into 
that  practical  statesmanship  which  has  trans- 
formed Mexico.  Thus  we  see  that  he  was 
well  fitted  by  nature,  and  well  prepared  by 
study,  for  the  double  role  which  he  was  des- 
tined to  play. 

Although  Porfirio  Diaz  entered  the  career 
of  arms  unexpectedly,  he  was  not  a  half- 
trained  soldier ;  he  had  studied  the  science  of 
war  practically,  in  the  field,  and  was  pro- 
moted grade  by  grade  in  rapid  succession,  but 
without  any  favoritism.  He  became  general 
of  a  division  at  the  point  of  the  sword; 
through  war  he  also  gained  reputation  and 
popularity,  and  with  his  sword,  his  reputa- 
tion, and  his  popularity,  he  won  the  Presi- 
dency of  the  Eepublic. 

Once  in  that  position,  he  turned  his  back 
10 


PRELIMINARY   REFLECTIONS 

upon  the  past,  and  concentrated  all  his  power 
upon  the  study  of  the  present  and  the  mold- 
ing of  the  future.  His  motto  as  a  soldier  was, 
"  Small  resources  and  great  effectiveness  " ; 
his  motto  as  a  statesman  was,  "  Little  politics 
and  much  administration." 

As  a  military  chieftain,  on  the  eve  of  bat- 
tle, he  thought  less  about  what  he  would  do 
after  gaining  the  victory  than  of  what  he 
would  do  in  case  of  defeat.  As  chief  execu- 
tive, on  the  other  hand,  he  followed  exactly 
the  opposite  principle ;  he  always  made  up  his 
mind  what  he  would  do  after  he  had  obtained 
the  victory.  This  seems  logical,  because,  in 
a  system  that  was  almost  entirely  adminis- 
trative, the  part  played  by  chance,  which  cor- 
responds to  politics,  is  almost  a  negligible 
quantity. 

In  waging  war,  he  adopted  the  principle  of 
continually  engaging  the  enemy,  without  giv- 
ing him  respite  or  repose;  and  no  matter 
what  might  be  the  odds  against  him,  he  neu- 
tralized them  by  skill  and  strategy. 
11 


POBFIRIO   DIAZ 

In  order  to  insure  tranquillity,  lie  followed 
the  system  of  making  those  who  wished  to 
disturb  the  peace  powerless  and  those  who 
had  the  power  to  do  so  his  friends. 

But  that  which  is  sufficient  to  bring  about 
mechanical  peace  is  not  sufficient  to  establish 
organic  peace;  and  the  most  serious  charge 
made  against  President  Diaz  is  that  he  did 
not  realize  this  in  time ;  or  that,  if  he  did  real- 
ize it,  he  made  no  effort  to  change  his  method 
of  procedure.  It  has  been  said  by  way  of  ex- 
planation that  the  indefinite  prolongation  of 
his  power  has  weakened  his  judgment,  and 
converted  into  personal  ambition  the  patriot- 
ism, of  which  he  had  given  such  striking 
proofs  during  the  period  of  his  heroic  strug- 
gles and  during  the  first  three  periods  of  his 
tenure  of  office.  These  critics  further  assert 
that,  his  only  object  being  to  govern  as  long 
as  he  lives,  he  has  subordinated  all  his  knowl- 
edge and  experience  to  this  ambition,  and  has 
permitted  his  admirable  policy  of  national 
education  to  degenerate  into  what  has  been 
12 


PRELIMINARY   REFLECTIONS 

called  "a  policy  of  conciliation" :  compromise 
with  all  parties,  in  the  attempt  to  convert 
into  accomplices  both  friends  and  enemies. 

To  my  way  of  thinking,  there  is  a  differ- 
ent explanation,  as  I  shall  show  at  the  proper 
time.  For  the  present,  I  shall  simply  say 
that,  in  general,  the  foregoing  explanation 
would  conform  perfectly  with  hnman  na- 
ture. When  it  is  apparent  that  a  system  is 
producing  the  desired  results,  few  men  dare 
to  introduce  modifications,  either  because 
they  are  restrained  by  the  conservatism, 
which  all  who  govern  long  acquire,  or  for  fear 
that  any  innovation  may  bring  about  a  catas- 
trophe. But,  even  if  we  admit  that  the  above 
explanation  is  the  only  logical  one  and  main- 
tain that  the  charge  is  justified  by  the  facts, 
the  fault  would  lie  more  with  the  people  than 
with  President  Diaz ;  for,  if  it  be  true  that  he 
has  been  oblivious  of  the  public,  it  is  equally 
true  that  the  public  has  been  oblivious  of 
itself. 

It  is  said  that  at  this  point  in  his  career 
13 


POBFIBIO   DIAZ 

the  last  and  final  evolution  of  President  Diaz 
began,  namely,  his  conversion  into  a  tyrant; 
but  those  who  say  this  fail  to  take  into  ac- 
count the  scientific  axiom  that  there  is  no 
such  thing  as  spontaneous  generation,  either 
in  the  natural  or  the  political  world.  A  tyr- 
anny can  be  only  the  logical  result  of  a  com- 
bination of  contributing  elements,  such  as  the 
preponderating  will  of  an  all-powerful  ruler 
and  the  tacit  consent  of  a  public,  whose  char- 
acter has  been  gradually  weakened,  until  its 
weakness  has  degenerated  into  cowardice. 

If  President  Diaz  has  been  a  tyrant,  his 
tyranny  has  been  less  the  work  of  the  gov- 
ernor than  that  of  the  governed.  It  was  for 
their  own  security  that  the  people  of  Mexico 
concurred  with  foreign  nations  in  making  his 
tenure  of  office  permanent. 

We  have  all  helped  to  bring  about  this  pecu- 
liar situation,  first  by  considering  President 
Diaz  a  useful  instrument,  then  a  necessity, 
and,  finally,  a  Providential  Being.  Have  we 
not  all  shamelessly,  and  without  excuses,  pro- 
14 


PEELIMINAEY   EEFLECTIONS 

claimed  him  as  unique  in  history,  turning 
gratitude  into  fanaticism,  praise  into  adora- 
tion, and  even  tried  to  convince  General  Diaz 
himself  of  the  truth  of  these  extravagances? 
There  never  was  a  man  with  sufficient 
strength  of  character  or  modesty  to  resist 
for  thirty  years  the  skillful  flattery,  which  all, 
through  self-interest,  have  heaped  upon  him. 
Lack  of  virility  in  a  people  fosters  presump- 
tion in  its  rulers. 

Some  one  has  said,  "  Happy  the  nation  that 
has  no  history !  "  I  say,  "  Unhappy  the  na- 
tion that  is  not  making  history !  "  Because, 
as  soon  as  public  interest  in  politics  ends, 
slavery  begins. 

In  General  Diaz  we  see  two  men,  one  a  real 
individual,  forceful  and  self-made ;  the  other 
created  by  the  imagination,  a  figure  reared 
by  our  own  flattery  and  lying,  and  by  the 
money-seeking  foreign  writers,  who  know 
neither  what  Mexico  was  nor  is.  These  last 
have  been  courteously  received  by  the  Pres- 
15 


POKFIRIO   DIAZ 

ident  and  by  the  officials  of  the  country.  They 
have  been  paid  good  money  for  bad  informa- 
tion. They  have  spread  broadcast  false  im- 
pressions about  Mexico !  The  list  of  writers 
is  long:  from  Hurbert  Howe  Bancroft,  the 
American  historian,  to  Mrs.  Alec  Tweedy,  an 
English  writer. 

The  first  to  discountenance  such  exaggera- 
tions was  General  Diaz  himself,  who  well  un- 
derstood that  publications  of  this  kind  would 
in  the  long  run  do  harm.  I  think  it  is  now 
high  time  to  destroy  the  misconceptions,  to 
correct  the  mistakes,  and  to  represent  Gen- 
eral Diaz  as  he  is,  in  his  full  stature  of  a 
man,  with  human  passions,  and  human  ac- 
tions; a  remarkable  character,  very  re- 
markable, extraordinary,  if  you  are  of  my 
opinion,  but  not  superhuman,  nor  infallible. 

I  have  admired  him,  followed  him,  and 
served  him.  I  believe  I  know  him  as  thor- 
oughly and  intimately  as  it  is  given  one  man 
to  know  another,  and  I  appreciate  him  at  his 
full  value. 

16 


PEELIMINAEY   EEFLECTIONS 

In  this  work,  the  reader  will  find  a  lively 
account  of  General  Diaz,  written  with  scru- 
pulous fidelity  to  the  facts,  and  without  mis- 
representations of  any  kind.  My  work  is 
neither  the  work  of  a  partisan,  nor  that  of  an 
enemy,  but  the  frank  and  loyal  statement  of 
a  witness  before  the  Tribunal  of  History;  a 
kind  of  deposition  "  ad  perpetuum,"  which  I 
wish  to  bequeath  to  posterity  before  death 
claims  me.  I  do  not  say  "  surprises'me,"  be- 
cause death  could  not  now  surprise  me,  as 
I  have  been  for  some  time  prepared  for  its 
summons. 


CHAPTEE   II 

THE  PHYSICAL  AND  MORAL  CHARACTERISTICS   OF 
PRESIDENT   DIAZ 

ETHNICALLY,  Porfirio  Diaz  is  a  prod- 
uct of  the  mingling  of  the  two  prin- 
cipal races  which  inhabit  Mexico.    In 
//  his  veins  there  courses  the  mixed  blood  of  the 
Spaniard  and  the  Indian,  as  is  the  case  with 
all  the  men  who  have  distinguished  them- 
selves in  any  career  whatsoever  in  Mexico; 
his  character  is  a  combination  of  the  reflect- 
iveness of  the  "  Misteca "  and  the  tenacity 
of  the  Asturian. 

Men  considered  eminently  practical  are 
usually  hands  without  brains,  and  men  called 
idealists  are  apt  to  be  brains  without  hands. 
But  Diaz,  properly  speaking,  does  not  belong 
to  either  of  these  two  classes;  for  in  him 
these  qualities  are  so  evenly  balanced  that 
they  offset  one  another.  Furthermore,  natu- 
18 


CHARACTERISTICS    OF   DIAZ 

ral  ingenuity  and  acquired  intellectual  power 
make  up  his  character  in  almost  equal  pro- 
portions.    He  is   a  man  of  definite   aims,£- 
rather  than  an  idealist;  a  man  of  action,  *~ 
rather  than  a  practical  man;  and  he  might 
well  say  with  Napoleon,  "  My  iron  hand  was 
not  placed  at  the  end  of  my  arm,  but  con- 
nected directly  with  my  brain." 

Diaz  first  conceives  a  purpose,  then  reflects 
upon  the  means  of  accomplishing  it,  carefully 
estimates  its  magnitude  and  considers  the  ob- 
stacles in  its  way,  and  finally  gathers  his 
forces  to  win  the  victory.  He  never  measures 
the  power  of  his  personality;  he  has  blind 
faith  in  himself,  knowing  that  there  always 
remain  in  reserve  ideas  and  resources  with 
which  to  meet  the  unexpected.  He  does  not 
trust  in  his  star,  as  Napoleon  did ;  he  has  no 
superstitions,  as  Caesar  had ;  he  never  leaves 
anything  to  chance.  Being  an  inflexible 
logician,  a  mathematical  calculator,  he  ex- 
pects everything  to  turn  out  according  to 
his  deductions  and  calculations.  That  is  to 
19 


PORFIBIO   DIAZ 

say,  he  has  absolute  confidence  in  his  own 
genius. 

From  the  race  commingling  already  men- 
tioned, he  has  inherited  neither  the  fatalism 
of  the  Indian,  nor  the  superstition  of  the 
Latin;  or,  if  these  factors  have  entered  into 
his  make-up,  they  have  neutralized  each  other 
so  perfectly  that  they  have  disappeared. 

As  a  soldier,  we  see  him  always  working 
with  the  certainty  and  the  inexhaustible  en- 
ergy of  the  forces  of  nature.  As  a  states- 
man, we  see  him  acting  with  the  firmness  of 
profound  conviction  and  with  the  precision 

of  a  mathematical  formula.     His  self-corn- 

- 

mand  is  so  perfect  that  he  always  succeeds 
in  whatever  he  undertakes,  whether  the  task 
is  that  of  cutting  his  way  through  the  armed 
ranks  of  an  enemy  or  through  political  vicis- 
situdes and  obstructions.  In  military  history, 
he  appears  as  a  thunderbolt  in  attack,  as  a 
rock  in  defense.  But  anyone  who  studies  this 
biography  deeply  and  becomes  intimately  ac- 
quainted with  its  hero  will  be  convinced  that 
20 


CHAEACTEEISTICS   OF   DIAZ 

even  those  actions  which  seem  most  violent 
and  hasty,  such  as  the  assault  of  Puebla  on 
April  2,  1867,  were  never  actuated  by  a  sud- 
den inspiration,  but  were  the  result  of  cold 
calculation.  One  can  see  also  that,  if  his 
conception  of  defense  was  that  of  a  rock  for 
stability,  it  in  no  way  implied  inactivity ;  for 
whenever  he  found  himself  in  the  mountains, 
pursued  and  surrounded  by  enemies,  or  shut 
up  within  the  walls  of  a  fortification,  he  al- 
ways tried  to  assume  the  offensive. 

As  a  ruler  we  find  in  him  traces  of  audacity 
identical  with  those  which  are  conspicuous  in 
his  military  career;  audacity  in  execution, 
never  in  resolution ;  for  his  plans  are  always 
made  with  calm  reflection.  For  instance,  at 
the  commencement  of  his  second  term  of  of- 
fice as  President,  in  December,  1884,  he  was 
confronted  by  an  empty  treasury,  a  country 
with  all  its  resources  mortgaged,  and  a  people 
overwhelmed  with  debt.  In  this  situation, 
which  would  have  disheartened  a  man  of  the 
utmost  courage,  Porfirio  Diaz  remained  im- 
21 


POEFIEIO   DIAZ 

perturbable  yet  daring;  for  he  promulgated 
the  edicts  of  June  22,  1885,  which  placed 
all  the  creditors  of  the  state  on  an  equal 
footing,  temporarily  suspended  the  pay- 
ment of  debts,  reduced  the  salaries  of  public 
officials  and  employees,  and  converted  the 
claims  against  the  treasury  into  notes  at  six 
per  cent,  a  rate  which  represented  a  just  com- 
pensation in  view  of  the  arrangement  to  defer 
payment. 

I  do  not  find  in  Porfirio  Diaz,  either  as  a 
/general  or  as  a  statesman,  that  fiery  rashness 
or  ill-considered  bravery  which  has  been  at- 
tributed to  him.  Indeed,  such  qualities  ap- 
pear to  me  serious  defects,  rather  than  vir- 
tues, in  a  general  or  a  statesman ;  for  a  good 
soldier  does  nothing  by  chance,  and  a  good 
statesman  knows  that  rashness  hardly  ever 
results  favorably.  But  what  is  more  to  the 
point,  it  is  strictly  in  accordance  with  the 
facts  to  consider  Porfirio  Diaz  a  man  of  pru- 
dence in  council  and  courage  in  action.  His 
prudence  is  not  to  be  mistaken  for  mere  com- 
22 


CHARACTERISTICS   OF   DIAZ 

mon  sense,  which  makes  men  choose  the  saf- 
est means  in  order  to  keep  out  of  danger ;  nor 
yet  that  which  in  reality  is  nothing  more  than 
the  instinct  of  self-preservation;  nor  even 
that  of  the  higher  order,  which  employs  the 
means  most  effective  for  achieving  the  de- 
sired results.  His  prudence  is  of  the  highest 
type,  that  which  distinguishes  the  true 
hero,  impelling  him  to  follow  resolutely  the 
promptings  of  his  own  nature,  accepting  its 
advantages  and  disadvantages,  conveniences 
and  inconveniences,  and  always  remaining 
true  to  his  own  individuality.  In  fact,  the 
chief  secret  of  Porfirio  Diaz's  success  is  that 
he  has  never  falsified  his  own  nature. 

There  are  many  points  of  similarity  be- 
tween Diaz  and  Napoleon,  but  one  must,  of 
course,  always  bear  in  mind  the  difference  in 
period  and  in  general  conditions.  Porfirio 
Diaz  has  a  profound  contempt  for  men  in 
general,  although  he  has  always  tried  to 
hide  it.  And,  after  all,  could  there  be  any 
thing  more  natural  for  a  man  in  his  position, 
3  23 


POBFIRIO   DIAZ 

who  has  constantly  before  his  eyes  all  the 
wretchedness  of  human  nature:  perfidious 
envy,  mean-spirited  calumny,  abject  flattery, 
groundless  pretensions,  barefaced  ambitions, 
infamous  hypocrisy,  and  who  is  obliged  to 
contend  against  all  these  passions,  and 
against  that  horde  of  wonder-workers  who, 
whether  they  wear  frock  coats  or  uniforms 
or  the  Sunday  best  of  the  middle  class,  are 
all  animated  by  a  common  self-interest.  Any- 
one who  sees  all  this  will,  I  repeat,  almost 
of  necessity  feel  a  profound  disgust  for  the 
human  race.  This  helps  us  to  understand  the 
skepticism  of  Eichelieu,  Cromwell,  Charles 
V,  Philip  II,  Frederick  the  Great,  and 
Napoleon.  For  Diaz,  as  for  these  other 
great  figures  in  history,  men  are  simply 
factors  in  an  equation,  to  be  added  or  sub- 
tracted with  the  same  indifference  to  second- 
ary considerations  that  a  mathematician 
would  feel.  But  if  the  factor  eliminated  has 
the  power  to  become  a  dangerous  enemy  in 
the  event  of  his  falling  into  abject  despera- 
24 


CHARACTERISTICS   OF   DIAZ 

tion,  the  statesman  must  keep  him  at  a  cer- 
tain level  without  permitting  him  to  rise  too 
high  or  fall  too  low,  until  death  removes  the 
man  altogether. 

Death  has  been  a  most  powerful  ally  o 
General  Diazr  Every  man  who  has  crossed 
his  path  or  had  the  power  to  oppose  him,  has 
fallen  by  death.  I  do  not  now  refer  to  those 
whom  he  has  had  shot  as  revolutionists,  but 
to  all  those  others:  Juarez,  Corona,  Pacheco, 
Dublan,  Romero,  Rubio,  etc.,  whether  ene- 
mies or  dangerous  friends.  This  does  not 
mean  that  I  suspect  General  Diaz  of  having 
aided  in  the  disappearance  of  those  men ;  for 
I  am  not  capable  of  making  such  cowardly 
insinuations,  and  calumny  is  the  last  thing  I 
wish  to  be  guilty  of.  Death  has  come  of  its 
own  accord,  as  an  intelligent  and  opportune 
ally;  that  is  all.  Napoleon  was  less  scrupu- 
lous ;  he  aided  death. 

Napoleon  said  that  he  had  "  made  his  gen- 
erals of  common  clay."    Porfirio  Diaz  may 
well  say  that  he  has  done  the  same  in  the  case 
25 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

of  practically  all  his  satellites.  For  with  the 
exception  of  Don  Matias  Eomero,  and  of  Don 
Ignacio  Mariscal,  the  President  has  never 
utilized  the  services  or  the  talents  of  any 
man  who  had  reached  eminence  before  the 
Diaz  regime.  All  those  who  have  figured 
in  high  positions  since  1878  owe  everything 
to  him;  therefore  it  may  well  be  said  of 
President  Diaz,  as  it  was  of  the  great  Cor- 
sican,  that  he  knows  the  capacity  and  the 
quality  of  every  one  of  the  men  whom  he 
manipulates. 

Diaz  has  always  had  an  exalted  opinion  of 
the  press,  not  because  of  its  usefulness  to  the 
public,  but  because  of  the  injury  which  it 
might  do  to  his  plans.  Not  daring  to  destroy 
it  directly,  he  subjugated  it.  Following  the 
maxim  that  the  press  can  only  be  combated 
by  the  press,  he  started  partisan  papers  and 
aided  them  generously,  in  order  to  make  in- 
dependent competition  impossible.  Napoleon 
said  that  if  he  had  granted  liberty  to  the 
press,  his  power  would  not  have  lasted  three 
26 


CHARACTERISTICS   OF   DIAZ 

days.  President  Diaz  was  of  the  same  opin- 
ion, and  for  that  reason  armed  himself  with 
the  printing  law,  which  fetters  all  those  who  f 
write  or  print.  This  he  did  in  good  faith ;  for  * 
in  order  to  carry  out  his  plans,  it  was  neces- 
sary that  neither  his  aims  nor  his  methods 
should  be  discussed.  It  was  also  necessary 
to  avoid  opposition,  which  is  always  passion- 
ate with  us,  and  leads  to  the  revolutionary 
impulse.  This  it  was  General  Diaz's  purpose 
to  kill  once  and  for  all. 

Another  aphorism  of  Napoleon  is  that  a 
great  reputation  makes  a  great  noise,  and 
that  the  greater  the  noise,  the  farther  off  it 
will  be  heard ;  on  the  other  hand,  laws,  insti- 
tutions, monuments,  even  nations,  come  to  an 
end,  while  the  noise  continues  reverberating 
down  through  the  ages.  Porfirio  Diaz  thought 
the  same,  but  with  this  difference:  what  in 
Napoleon's  case  was  simply  a  question  of 
vanity,  with  Diaz  was  a  political  creed.  At 
first  his  natural  modesty  made  him  shun 
notoriety,  but  when  he  understood  how  use- 
27 


POBFIEIO   DIAZ 

ful  it  was,  he  accepted  it  and  perpetuated  it, 
not  in  order  to  satisfy  his  own  vanity,  but 
xthat  of  his  countrymen;  for  he  found  that  it 
Jhelped  to  keep  them  united  to  him  through 
(their  national  pride.  It  also  had  the  effect 
of  making  it  seem  necessary  that  he  should 
continue  in  power.  Nevertheless,  I  repeat 
that  President  Diaz  hates  exaggeration  and 
dislikes  a  Wagnerian  blast  of  trumpets. 

Napoleon  was  jealous  of  his  best  generals, 
and  some  people  say  that  Porfirio  Diaz  also 
was  jealous  of  those  who  were  prominent  in 
serving  their  country  during  the  time  of  the 
French  invasion.  To  prove  the  charge,  they 
cite  Escobedo  and  Corona,  who,  they  say, 
never  enjoyed  the  favor  of  President  Diaz. 
I  think  that  those  who  hold  this  opinion  are 
mistaken.  In  the  first  place,  Diaz  is  unques- 
tionably far  superior  in  military  genius  to 
the  two  captains  just  mentioned ;  there  never 
was  any  danger  of  their  eclipsing  him.  In 
the  second  place,  Escobedo  was  a  political 
enemy  of  President  Diaz,  and  Corona  was 
28 


CHARACTERISTICS   OF   DIAZ 

never  truly  one  of  his  party.  Finally,  the 
President  did  honor  both  of  these  men,  and, 
if  he  did  not  elevate  them  to  the  highest  posi- 
tions, it  was,  as  I  have  already  said,  because 
he  never  used  any  men  except  those  whom  he 
himself  had  molded  and  raised  to  office. 
With  Corona,  furthermore,  there  was  a 
peculiar  circumstance:  he  figured  as  one  of 
the  possible  successors  of  President  Diaz. 
Corona  himself  expected  this  honor,  and  not 
without  reason,  for  he  had  already  been 
made  governor  of  the  powerful  State  of  Ja- 
lisco. This  post  he  held  until  he  came  to  a 
tragic  death  at  the  hands  of  a  crazy  fanatic, 
who  committed  suicide  immediately  after- 
wards. The  family  of  General  Corona  en- 
joyed and  still  enjoys  the  firm  protection  of 
President  Diaz. 

As  a  diplomat,  President  Diaz  stands  in  the 
highest  rank.  Some  writers  have  maintained  | 
that  he  belongs  to  the  school  of  Machiavelli, 
amended  and  brought  up  to  date  by  Napo- 
leon; that  he  is  not  afraid  of  either  truth  or 
29 


POEFIEIO   DIAZ 

falsehood,  but  uses  both  as  circumstances  re- 
quire. The  above  assertion  is  another  grave 
error.  President  Diaz  is  original  in  diplo- 
macy as  in  everything  else.  His  diplomacy 
is  his  own ;  no  one  so  well  knows  how  to  steer 
between  Scylla  and  Charybdis,  without  allow- 
ing either  to  so  much  as  suspect  which  course 
he  has  made  up  his  mind  to  follow.  He  can 
give  out  a  false  scent  without  falsehood ;  just 
as  an  expert  swordsman  tells  no  lies  when  he 
makes  a  feint  with  his  blade.  Certain  it  is 
that  when  he  concedes  anything,  he  does  it 
on  the  same  principle  as  the  fisherman,  who 
risks  his  worthless  bait  in  order  to  catch  a 
fish. 

Pope  Leo  XIII,  who  was  reputed  a  most 
skillful  diplomat,  tried  to  make  a  concordat 
with  President  Diaz,  and  sent  as  his  agent 
Monsignor  Seraffini,  an  exceptionally  gifted 
man  for  the  undertaking.  After  many  visits 
and  frequent  conferences  with  the  President, 
the  Italian  diplomat  acknowledged  himself 
outgeneraled.  In  conversation  with  a  friend 
30 


CHARACTERISTICS   OF   DIAZ 

of  mine,  who  had  become  intimate  with  Mon- 
signor  Seraffini,  the  latter  confessed  that  he 
had  never  encountered  such  a  man  as  Presi- 
dent Diaz.  When  he  thought  he  had  him 
cornered,  with  no  way  of  escape  except  that 
of  a  direct  answer,  Diaz  slipped  through  his 
fingers  with  the  agility  of  an  eel.  In  spite 
of  skillful  cross-questioning,  Seraffini  failed 
to  discover  what  the  President  thought  re- 
garding the  concordat.  He  never  succeeded 
in  eliciting  any  kind  of  a  promise,  a  "Per- 
haps," a  "  We  will  see,"  or  even  a  refusal. 

General  Diaz  is  head  of  the  Freemasons  in 
Mexico.  He  is  of  the  thirty-third  degree  and 
Grand  Commander  for  life.  At  the  same  time 
he  is  the  invisible  head  of  the  Catholic 
Church,  its  arch  protector  and  its  director, 
influencing  indirectly  the  appointment  of 
bishops  and  archbishops  and  the  creation  of 
new  dioceses  and  archbishoprics.  In  this 
way  he  has  managed  to  prevent  Mexican 
Freemasonry,  which  has  always  been  Jac- 
obin,  and  the  clergy,  which  has  always  been 
31 


POBFIRIO   DIAZ 

revolutionary  and  retrogressive,  from  mak- 
ing a  single  move.  He  presides  at  tlie  chief 
masonic  functions,  his  wife  presides  at  im- 
portant religious  ceremonials;  thus,  both 
Jacobins  and  Ultramontanes  have  been  sat- 
isfied, and  each  party  claims  a  victory,  which 
in  reality  is  nothing  more  than  a  defeat  for 
them  both. 

This  is  another  instance,  some  people  say, 
of  what  they  call  "the  policy  of  concilia- 
tion." But  in  reality  it  is  another  indica- 
tion of  the  subordination  and  pacification, 
to  which  I  have  already  referred,  each  body 
revolving  in  the  plane  of  its  own  orbit  and 
having  for  its  center  the  President  of  the 
Eepublic. 

In  politics  it  has  been  the  chief  aim  of  Pres- 
ident Diaz  to  obtain  the  friendship  of  the 
United  States.  This  once  gained,  he  has  in- 
creased and  strengthened  it  to  the  utmost. 
To  maintain  these  ties,  he  has  been  willing 
to  make  every  kind  of  sacrifice;  to  such  a 
32 


CHARACTERISTICS   OF   DIAZ 

point  has  he  carried  his  policy,  that  there  are 
those  who  say  that  to-day  there  is  nothing  in 
Mexico  worth  so  much  as  citizenship  papers 
of  the  United  States.  Others  assert  that  the 
President  has  no  real  sympathy  with  the 
United  States;  but  is  acting,  like  a  child 
seeking  the  protection  of  a  stronger  and 
more  formidable  comrade  against  the  ag- 
gression of  his  schoolfellows.  To  this  big 
boy  he  gives  in  return  his  best  toys  and  most 
tempting  dainties. 

The  fact  is  that  President  Diaz  has  a  sin- 
cere admiration  for  the  Government  and 
people  of  the  United  States.  It  has  always 
been  his  policy  to  strengthen  the  friendly 
relations  between  the  two  countries  and  to 
make  the  relationship  evident  to  all  the 
world.  Moreover,  it  is  quite  possible  that, 
if  he  had  not  realized  this  aim,  his  achieve- 
ments for  Mexico  would  not  have  reached  the 
magnitude  which  they  have  actually  attained. 

The  friendship  of  the  United  States  means 
to  President  Diaz  the  security  of  his  north- 
33 


PORFIBIO   DIAZ 

era  frontier,  the  elimination  from  politics  of 
any  question  of  international  friction  with 
his  powerful  neighbor,  a  cloud  which  loomed 
upon  the  horizon  several  times  during  his 
first  two  presidential  terms.  Friendship 
with  the  United  States  means  also  the  secur- 
ity of  our  southern  frontier,  which  has  been 
threatened  by  Guatemala  every  time  that 
country  has  succeeded  in  securing  the  moral 
support  of  the  United  States,  as  she  did  when 
Mr.  Elaine  was  Secretary  of  State.  Friendly 
relations  with  the  United  States  means  the 
introduction  into  Mexico  of  American  cap- 
ital, and  of  great  business  undertakings  by 
Americans.  This  of  itself  has  been  one  of 
the  most  important  elements  in  the  develop- 
ment of  the  country,  because  it  has  increased 
the  reputation  of  Mexico,  inspired  confidence 
in  European  nations,  and  made  it  possible 
to  organize  the  public  debt  and  to  raise  loans. 
It  has  served  also  as  a  powerful  check  upon 
the  turbulent  elements  of  the  interior,  by 
making  them  understand  that  anyone  who 
34 


CHARACTERISTICS   OF   DIAZ 

conspires  against  the  Government  might 
thereby  precipitate  American  intervention, 
thus  endangering  the  nationality  of  Mexico 
itself.  This  has  been  in  reality  one  of  the 
principal  factors  in  the  pacification  of  the 
country  and  the  maintenance  of  permanent 
peace. 

It  has  been  conclusively  proved  that  there 
is  in  men  a  constant  tendency  to  consider  as 
inseparable  an  efficient  cause  and  its  results. 
The  idea  of  power  and  the  idea  of  greatness 
have  been  evolved  in  the  mind  with  such  close 
analogy  that  they  appear  at  first  sight  as 
identical,  or,  at  least,  as  so  closely  related 
that  they  have  become  inseparable.  It  is  this 
misconception,  which  makes  it  impossible  to 
conceive  Alexander  or  Caesar  or  Napoleon 
as  men  of  ordinary  stature,  and  justifies  the 
saying  of  the  sculptor  Bouchardon  that  when 
he  reads  Homer,  he  beholds  men  ten  feet 
high. 

The  same  thing  has  happened  in  the  case 
35 


POEFIKIO   DIAZ 

of  General  Diaz :  imagination  represents  him 
as  a  Colossus  and  in  all  his  pictures  he  ap- 
pears as  a  man  of  great  height.  On  horse- 
back he  does  actually  carry  out  the  illusion, 
because  he  has  the  habit,  so  common  among 
military  chiefs,  of  riding  very  tall  horses. 
When  sitting  he  produces  the  same  impres- 
sion, because  he  is  long  of  body  and  a  trifle 
short  of  leg.  Even  on  foot  he  appears  taller 
than  he  really  is,  because  of  a  certain  erect- 
ness  of  carriage,  acquired  during  the  last 
twenty-five  years ;  a  sort  of  personal  impres- 
siveness,  perhaps  the  outward  expression  of 
the  evolution  which  has  been  taking  place  in 
his  character  and  position.  One  might  al- 
most say  that  since  he  left  off  being  a  soldier, 
he  has  acquired  the  military  carriage. 

To  any  one  of  us,  who  has  known  him  dur- 
ing the  last  forty  years,  this  is  evident;  to 
others  a  glance  at  his  photographs,  taken  at 
different  periods,  would  demonstrate  this 
evolution. 

As  a  young  man  he  looked  somewhat  timid, 
36 


CHARACTERISTICS   OF   DIAZ 

certainly  far  from  self-confident.  He  was 
awkward,  thin,  with  something  of  a  stoop, 
and  careless  in  his  dress.  The  change  in  him 
really  commenced  after  his  second  presi- 
dency in  1884.  Contact  with  the  best  soci- 
ety, the  influence  of  his  second  wife,  his 
relations  with  the  diplomatic  corps,  the  exi- 
gencies of  his  high  political  position,  the 
culture  which  he  was  insensibly  acquiring, 
and  his  genius,  have  all  contributed  to  trans- 
form him  in  appearance  from  a  guerrila 
chief  to  an  accomplished  man  of  the  world, 
grave  and  with  an  air  of  unaffected  elegance 
and  dignity. 

This  athletic  pose  has  been  by  some  people 
attributed  to  senile  vanity.  The  truth  is  that, 
as  he  has  grown  older,  General  Diaz  has  seen 
fit  to  exhibit  more  and  more  the  physical  force 
and  agility,  which  were  always  in  him ;  but  to 
my  mind  it  has  been  brought  out  not  by  van- 
ity, but  for  politicaljpurposes.  It  is  a  manner 
assumed  to  inspire  public  confidence  and  a 
belief  in  his  remarkable  energy  and  lasting 
37 


POBFIBIO   DIAZ 

ability  to  remain  in  power  and  to  carry  all 
the  cares  of  state  upon  his  ample  shoulders. 
General  Diaz  is  a  little  above  medium 
height,  and  one  might  well  say  that  he  is  of 
the  model  size  for  an  active  man;  he  makes 
one  conscious  of  his  power.  He  has  broad 
shoulders,  large  chest,  well-developed  and 
prominent  muscles,  with  no  sign  of  embon- 
point; his  figure  has  a  muscular  contour, 
which  in  spite  of  his  age  is  not  obscured 
with  fat;  in  short,  he  has  a  Herculean  con- 
stitution and  shows  it  in  every  line.  His 
head  is  of  good  size;  his  forehead  is  moder- 
ately high,  broad  and  open;  his  eyes  are 
dark  and  symmetrically  placed;  his  glance 
is  firm  and  a  little  severe  when  he  is  speak- 
ing, and  extraordinarily  penetrating  when 
he  listens;  his  nose  is  regular,  somewhat 
broad  at  the  end,  with  rather  open  nos- 
trils, as  if  his  well-developed  lungs  needed 
to  breathe  a  great  quantity  of  air ;  his  mouth 
is  neither  large  nor  small,  covered  with  a 
gray,  military  mustache;  his  lips  are  firm 
38 


CHARACTERISTICS   OF   DIAZ 

without  compression,  and  look  as  if  they 
knew  how  to  keep  silent,  even  under  torture, 
and  as  evidently  could  speak  fluently  when 
occasion  demanded,  without  ever  falling  into 
garrulousness ;  his  chin  is  somewhat  fleshy 
but  well  shaped;  his  ears  are  large  rather 
than  small;  his  neck  is  broad  and  a  trifle 
short,  like  that  of  a  man  descended  from  a 
race  accustomed  through  many  generations 
to  carry  the  weight  of  a  steel  helmet;  his 
color  is  high,  as  that  of  a  full-blooded  man 
should  be,  but  without  a  trace  of  plethoric 
lividness;  his  hair  is  short,  stiff  and  thick; 
in  its  time  it  was  black,  but  to-day  it  is  gray ; 
his  hands  are  of  medium  size,  somewhat 
broad  and  nervous;  his  legs  are  short  com- 
pared with  his  body;  his  feet  well  propor- 
tioned. 

In  walking  he  carries  his  head  high  with- 
out stiffness  or  haughtiness;  breathes  deep- 
ly and  easily;  has  a  look  of  confidence,  asj 
normally  developed  men  should  have;  a  firm,; 
resolute  step,  light  without  precipitation. 
*  39 


POEFIEIO   DIAZ 

These  outward  signs  correspond  to  those  of 
a  man  who  has  full  confidence  in  himself, 
boundless  energy,  and  is  destined  to  long  life. 
His  attitude  is  one  of  easy  activity ;  just  what 
one  would  expect  of  a  dominant  nature  which 
acts  without  effort.  Apparently  he  has  not 
a  single  muscle  held  forcibly  in  restraint,  and 
his  firm,  free  movements  indicate  a  person 
with  a  will  always  ready  to  assert  itself. 

His  moral  make-up  corresponds  to  his  phys- 
ical.  His  is  a  soul  of  steel  within  a  body  of 
iron.  The  body  is  unbreakable,  the  soul  has 
the  temper  of  a  Toledo  blade,  rigid  in  cutting, 
flexible  only  in  the  thrust ;  not  with  the  flexi- 
bility of  the  subdued,  but  of  the  conqueror, 
and  it  immediately  returns  to  the  attack  with 
greater  force  than  before,  and  never  breaks 
nor  twists. 

In  General  Diaz  memory,  intellect,  and  will 
are  all  equally  well  developed.  His  memory 
is  astounding;  he  remembers  the  face  and 
name  of  everyone  whom  he  has  ever  seen, 
even  if  only  once;  he  recalls  the  circum- 
40 


CHARACTERISTICS   OF   DIAZ 

stances  and  place  of  meeting.  He  also  has  a 
good  memory  for  events,  dates,  and  places. 

He  is  a  great  character  reader.  It  seems 
to  be  instinctive  with  him  when  anyone 
speaks  to  him  upon  a  matter  of  importance, 
even  if  it  is  entirely  new  to  him  and  very 
complex,  to  concentrate  all  his  attention  upon 
it;  and  hardly  has  one  time  to  sketch  the 
outline,  before  he  has  grasped  its  connection 
and  its  details,  as  if  by  intuition. 

He  enters  into  the  business  of  administra- 
tion  down  to  its  minutest  details,  without  be- 
coming petty.  He  takes  up  each  day,  at  great 
length,  his  immense  private  correspondence, 
and  dictates  the  answers.  He  keeps  in  touch 
with  the  affairs  of  the  whole  world,  and  keeps 
pace  with  science  and  literature  as  well;  he 
reads  and  studies,  who  knows  when!  His 
voice  is  low,  strong  and  somewhat  hoarse; 
his  speech  is  deliberate,  but  always  has  the 
ring  of  command.  - 

Among  his  intimates,  especially  when  he 
leaves  the  Capital  for  a  visit  to  the  country, 
41 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

or  for  a  hunt,  he  shows  traces  of  the  boy  af- 
ter school  is  dismissed.  He  has  a  veritable 
passion  for  hunting  and  is  a  first-rate  shot. 
On  trips  of  this  kind  his  spirits  break  out 
into  something  very  like  joviality,  though 
he  never  quite  reaches  that  point;  he  is, 
however,  what  one  would  call  extremely  good 
company,  and  at  such  times  he  does  not  want 
to  talk  shop. 

He  is  to-day,  as  always,  extremely  temper- 
ate in  his  eating  and  drinking,  and  very  much 
averse  to  late  hours,  although  he  is  amply 
able  to  stand  them.  He  gets  up  at  sunrise, 
takes  a  cold  bath,  goes  through  some  gym- 
nastic exercises,  and  then  has  a  walk.  His 
life  is  as  regular  as  clockwork,  and  for  that 
reason  he  has  time  for  everything  and  does 
everything  at  the  proper  time. 

When  he  finds  it  necessary  to  speak  in  pub- 
lic, he  expresses  himself  with  restrained  elo- 
quence, interspersed  with  felicitous  phrases. 
He  always  goes  straight  to  the  heart  of  the 
question,  handling  it  with  tact,  yet  in  a 
42 


CHARACTERISTICS   OF   DIAZ 

straightforward  manner.  As  a  rule,  under 
the  excitement  of  inspiration,  however  calm 
he  may  be  outwardly,  a  certain  softening, 
almost  sadness,  comes  over  him  and  tears 
dim  his  eyes. 

In  his  private  life  he  is,  perhaps,  even  a  £/ 
finer  man  than  in  his  public  character.  He 
commands  the  greatest  respect  and  admira- 
tion of  his  friends,  and  might  be  called  a 
perfect  model  in  his  family.  In  fact,  his 
supremely  well-ordered  private  life  has  been 
one  of  the  chief  causes  of  his  popularity,  as 
well  as  of  his  success  and  his  inexhaustible 
energy.  This  has  been  a  blessing  to  Mexico, 
for  if  General  Diaz  had  been  a  libertine,  the 
corruption  of  Mexico  would  have  surpassed 
that  of  Rome  at  the  time  of  the  Caesars. 

Plutarch,  in  his  work  entitled  "How  to 
Reap  Benefit  from  our  Enemies,"  asserts 
that  among  the  benefits  which  these  may  con- 
fer upon  us,  one  of  the  greatest  is  that  of 
obliging  us  to  live  always  on  our  guard 
against  plots ;  another  consists  in  forcing  us 
43 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

to  live  honestly  in  order  to  outdo  our  rivals, 
not  by  combat,  but  by  obliging  them  to  be 
secretly  jealous  of  our  good  qualities. 

Had  Porfirio  Diaz  read  these  words  of  wis- 
dom, or  did  he  know  them  by  instinct?  I  can- 
not say;  but  the  fact  is  that  from  his  early 
youth  he  has  been  what  he  is  to-day  at  sev- 
enty-seven years.  Those  who  have  known 
him  longest,  those  who  have  lived  with  him 
in  the  intimate  association  of  the  military 
camp,  those  who  have  seen  him  at  short 
range  in  all  the  phases  of  his  existence,  agree 
that  he  has  not  changed  an  atom  in  his 
habits. 

Temperate  both  by  nature  and  by  training, 
he  has  never  given  himself  up  to  the  dissi- 
pations so  common  among  the  young  men 
of  the  army,  especially  when  they  are  in  the 
field ;  he  never  has  taken  the  least  advantage 
of  the  halo  of  glory,  which  surrounded  him 
when  he  was  still  quite  young,  to  enter  upon 
any  of  those  romantic  adventures,  for  the 
indulgence  of  which  he  might  well  have  been 
44 


CHAEACTEEISTICS   OF   DIAZ 

pardoned  on  account  of  his  youth  and  his 
position. 

Strict  with  others,  he  has  always  been  par- 
ticularly strict  with  himself,  and  his  private 
conduct  has  served  as  a  constant  example  to 
his  equals  and  to  his  subordinates.  He  has 
always  taken  duty  for  his  standard — duty 
fulfilled  to  the  letter. 

This  athlete  of  countless  struggles,  this 
gladiator  of  countless  victories,  has  had  the 
forethought  and  the  ability  to  create  a  refuge 
in  which  to  rest,  when  he  laid  down  his  arms, 
or  set  aside  the  cares  of  administration — a 
refuge  where  he  might  convert  himself  into 
an  everyday  man,  refresh  his  body  by  repose, 
and  .renew  the  temper  of  his  soul  through  the 
affections  of  his  family. 

When  we  consider  the  home  life  of  Napo- 
leon, we  find  that  this  monopolizer  of  all 
the  glories  committed  grave  errors,  upon 
which,  perhaps,  the  ultimate  disaster  of  his 
portentous  labors  turned.  These  errors  con- 
sisted in  never  having  known  how  to  make 
45 


POKFIRIO   DIAZ 

a  true  friend,  nor  to  love  and  be  loved  by 
a  woman.  He  was  a  consummate  egotist; 
lie  had  no  notion  what  the  give  and  take  of 
love  meant;  he  succeeded  in  making  himself 
admired  and  feared,  but  not  loved,  nor  re- 
spected. There  was  in  him  brain  without 
heart,  force  without  feeling.  In  short,  he  was 
a  monster,  in  whom  was  nothing  human  but 
the  form. 

General  Diaz,  as  we  have  seen,  did  not 
make  these  mistakes;  he  well  knew  how  to 
make  friends  who  should  be,  as  it  were,  the 
completion  of  his  own  being  on  its  material, 
intellectual,  and  emotional  sides.  General 
Diaz  attracted  to  his  circle  companions,  who 
came  because  of  their  avarice,  and  he  took 
care  that  their  greed  should  never  be  sati- 
ated; he  well  understood  how  to  keep  them 
attached  to  the  ruler  who  dispensed  favors. 
He  inspired  the  affection  of  two  women,  who 
became  identified  with  him,  and  who  suited 
admirably  the  two  roles  which  he  played  one 
after  another  in  public  life.  His  first  wife 
46 


CHARACTEKISTICS   OF   DIAZ 

followed  him  during  the  years  in  which  he 
was  acquiring  fame,  and  died  at  the  very 
hour  of  his  triumph.  His  second  wife  was 
by  his  side  while  he  was  making  an  immortal 
name  for  himself,  and  shared  in  his  deifica- 
tion. Both  were  the  completion  of  his  moral 
self,  bringing  to  him  that  feminine  quality 
which  is  necessary  for  the  perfection  of  the 
soul  of  man,  for  it  is  that  which  humanizes 
him. 

Such  is  President  Diaz,  roughly  sketched, 
physically  and  morally.  He  has  a  bodily 
frame  well  calculated  to  resist  the  wear  and 
tear  of  life,  and  ready  to  perform  all  its  ac- 
tivities with  the  agility  of  the  gymnast  and 
the  strength  of  the  athlete.  He  is  the  type  of 
the  soldier  and  the  gentleman,  he  cuts  a  good 
figure  on  horseback  in  his  military  uniform, 
resplendent  with  magnificent  decorations, 
both  national  and  foreign ;  he  makes  an  equal- 
ly good  appearance  in  the  drawing-room,  in 
the  severe  dress  of  the  civilian,  only  relieved 
47 


POEFIBIO  DIAZ 

by  a  simple  boutonniere.  He  looks  like  a 
man  who  can  withstand  the  strain  of  long 
days  in  the  saddle  or  on  foot  without  over- 
fatigue  and  pass  nights  on  the  watch,  or 
sleeping  under  the  light  military  tent,  without 
injuring  his  health;  who  would  be  quite  un- 
affected by  exposure  to  deluges  of  rain  or 
the  tropical  sun,  or  the  winter  snows  of  our 
high  mountains;  he  is  proof  as  well  against 
the  cares  of  administration,  the  disappoint- 
ments of  politics,  and  the  rubs  of  everyday 
life. 

I  do  not  dare  to  maintain  that  the  appear- 
ance which  we  all  note  is  a  reality.  No  one 
knows  what  General  Diaz  really  is  physically, 
or  how  he  may  look  to  his  valet,  when  he  is 
not  on  parade.  His  seventy-seven  years  of 
constant  struggle  and  stress  of  mind  must 
have  made  internal  ravages,  which  he  care- 
fully conceals. 

The  effort  on  behalf  of  Minister  Liman- 
tour,  which  President  Diaz  has  been  making 
for  some  time  past,  is  considered  by  many 
48 


PRESIDENT  DIAZ  IN  THE  UNIFORM  OF  MAJOR  GENERAL. 


CHAEACTEEISTICS   OF   DIAZ 

people  as  a  sure  sign  of  his  decadence.  I  do 
not  believe  it !  In  this,  as  in  everything  else, 
the  President  is  following  a  political  motive, 
perhaps  that  of  making  ready  a  remote  suc- 
cessor, watching  him  and  trying  to  make  him 
popular  little  by  little,  without  regard  for  the 
fact  that  he  can  never  become  a  successful 
candidate ;  for  Mr.  Limantour,  notwithstand- 
ing all  his  prestige,  can  never  become  Presi- 
dent of  Mexico,  because  the  constitution  for- 
bids it.1 

To  sum  up  the  whole  life  of  President  Diaz 
in  a  word,  one  might  say  that  his  most  strik-^ 
ing  bodily  characteristic  is  force,  his  most  / 
striking   mental    characteristics    compelling 
will  and  irresistible  energy.    Even  the  poor- 
est character  reader,  seeing  President  Diaz 

1  The  Mexican  Constitution  requires  that  the  President  of 
the  Republic  shall  be  a  native  Mexican;  it  is  not  enough  that 
he  should  have  been  born  within  the  national  territory,  for, 
as  we  follow  the  jus  sanguinis  not  the  jus  solis,  his  parents 
also  must  be  Mexican  citizens.  Senor  Limantour's  father  and 
mother  were  French,  and  he  remained  of  their  nationality, 
until  he  was  twenty-one.  At  that  time,  he  chose  to  become  a 
Mexican  citizen.  He  is,  therefore,  a  citizen  by  naturalization 
only. 

49 


PORFIBIO   DIAZ 

for  the  first  time,  without  having  the  slight- 
est previous  knowledge  of  his  personality, 
could  not  fail  to  perceive  at  once  that  the  man 
before  him  amounted  to  something  and  was 

a  distinct  character.  / 

r 


CHAPTER   III 

PERIOD   OF   FORMATION 

JULIUS  CAESAR,  in  his  eulogy  at  the 
funeral  services  of  his  Aunt  Julia,  wife 
of  Marius  the  Elder,  spoke  of  his  own 
genealogy.  "  My  maternal  grandfather," 
said  he,  "was  descended  from  Ancus  Mar- 
tius,  one  of  the  first  kings  of  Eome,  and  my 
father  belonged  to  the  Julian  family,  which 
was  descended  from  Venus.  There  is,  there- 
fore, in  my  blood,  the  sanctity  of  kings,  the 
masters  of  men,  and  the  majesty  of  gods,  the 
masters  of  kings."  In  this  respect,  Porfirio 
Diaz  did  not  resemble  the  conqueror  of  all 
Gaul.  Neither  kings  nor  goddesses  were 
among  his  ancestry.  His  origin  is  much 
more  humble,  and  for  this  reason  his  eleva- 
tion to  the  supreme  power  is  all  the  more  to 
his  credit. 

Porfirio  Diaz  was  born  in  the  city  of  Oax- 
51 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

aca,  capital  of  the  state  of  the  same  name,  in 
the  "  Meson  de  la  Soledad,"  so  called  because 
of  its  proximity  to  the  church  which  bears 
that  name.  The  house  has  disappeared,  and 
in  its  place  stands  to-day  the  public  school 
"  Porfirio  Diaz." 

His  father  was  Jose  de  la  Cruz  Diaz  and 
his  mother  Petrona  Mori,  both  descendants 
of  the  Spanish  and  native  Indian  races. 
Senora  Mori's  father  was  of  Asturian  stock, 
and  her  mother,  Tecla  Cortes,  of  the  pure 
Mexican-Indian  race. 

Jose  Diaz  and  Petrona  Mori  had  already 
had  five  children,  when  a  boy  was  born  who, 
on  September  15, 1830,  was  baptized  with  the 
name  of  JOSE  DE  LA  CEUZ  PORFIRIO 
DIAZ.  His  godfather,  Jose  Augustin  Do- 
minguez,  was  a  man  of  college  education, 
and  at  that  time  curate  of  Nochixtlan; 
later  he  became  Bishop  of  Oaxaca.  In  the 
baptismal  record  the  date  of  the  birth  of  the 
child  is  omitted,  but  September  15th  has 
been  generally  considered  as  the  birth- 
52 


PERIOD   OF   FOEMATION 

day  of  the  President  of  the  Mexican  Re- 
public. 

Don  Jose  had  been  farrier  of  a  regiment, 
and  on  taking  up  his  quarters  in  Oaxaca,  he 
installed  in  a  part  of  his  house  a  blacksmith's 
forge  and  a  veterinary  hospital.  In  the 
midst  of  these  poor  surroundings,  Senor  and 
Seiiora  Diaz  lived,  free  from  actual  want, 
and  brought  up  their  numerous  family,  which 
was  further  augmented  by  a  seventh  child, 
Felix,  who  was  the  last. 

In  1833,  hard-working  Don  Jose  died  a  vic- 
tim to  the  epidemic  of  cholera,  and  Dona 
Petrona  remained  a  widow,  poor,  and  under 
the  necessity  of  vigorous  struggle  in  order 
to  live  and  support  her  children.  This  she 
succeeded  in  doing,  because  of  her  character 
and  energy. 

Porfirio  Diaz  came  into  the  world  under 
very  unfavorable  circumstances,  according 
to  the  common  opinion  on  such  matters,  but 
under  the  most  favorable  circumstances,  ac- 
cording to  my  judgment.  Poverty,  border- 
53 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

ing  on  misery,  makes  the  best  mold  in  which 
to  cast  great  characters.  History  proves  this 
in  a  manner  quite  irrefutable.  As  far  as 
Mexico  is  concerned,  the  three  greatest  men 
she  has  produced,  Morelos,  Juarez,  and  Por- 
firio  Diaz  were  turned  out  of  this  mold. 

Adulation  represents  Porfirio  Diaz  as  a 
prodigy  from  his  very  infancy.  Nothing 
could  be  more  untrue ;  he  was  not  precocious 
in  childhood,  nor  distinguished  as  a  student 
in  college.  His  education  was  not  better  than 
the  average.  The  best  proof  of  this  (in  spite 
of  all  published  statements  to  the  contrary) 
is  that  General  Diaz  read  badly  and  wrote 
worse — in  a  hand  which  rivaled  Napoleon's 
for  illegibility.  Napoleon  is  said  to  have 
been  unable  to  read  his  own  handwriting ;  no 
expert  could  decipher  his  scrawls,  and,  fur- 
thermore, his  knowledge  of  grammar  was  con- 
spicuous by  its  absence.  I  have  no  wish  to 
detract  from  either  general's  reputation,  but 
to  state  matters  just  as  they  are.  However, 
it  is  not  necessary  to  know  grammar  in  order 
54 


PERIOD   OF   FORMATION 

to  win  battles  and  elevate  one's  self  to  the 
rank  of  a  hero ;  nor  is  it  necessary  to  know 
Latin  in  order  to  achieve  fame  as  a  states- 
man. On  the  contrary,  a  first-rate  univer- 
sity education  is,  in  my  opinion,  apt  to  be  a 
grave  impediment  in  the  way  of  either 
achievement.  To  *" 

Porfirio  Diaz  did  not  owe  his  success  to  his  I 
schooling,  but  to  his  genius.    He  was  neither 
precocious  nor  backward,  but  normally  de- 
veloped. 

Almost  before  he  had  mastered  the  rudi- 
ments, he  began  to  learn  his  chosen  trade, 
that  of  carpentry.  In  1845,  when  he  was 
only  fifteen  years  old,  his  mother  made  up 
her  mind  to  enter  him  in  the  Oaxaca  Semi- 
nary, in  order  that  he  might  take  the  prelim- 
inary course  necessary  to  prepare  him  for 
the  priesthood. 

In  pursuance  of  this  object,  he  continued 

his  studies  till  1849,  when,  at  the  suggestion 

of  his  godfather,  Don  Jose  Augustin  Domin- 

guez,  the  Church  was  decided  upon  as  his 

5  55 


POBFIRIO   DIAZ 

career.  This  decision  was  made  to  please  his 
mother  and  to  take  advantage  of  his  god- 
father's offer  of  a  chaplaincy.  In  those  days, 
a  chaplaincy  opened  the  way  to  a  life  of 
broad  opportunities. 

If  Porfirio  Diaz  did  not  show  any  great 
disposition  for  his  books,  he  did,  like  Ber- 
trand  Duquesclin,  reveal  excellent  qualifica- 
tions as  a  fighter  with  clubs,  fists,  rocks,  or 
any  weapon  which  came  to  hand.  In  those 
days  of  riot  and  revolution,  Porfirio's  fight- 
ing tendencies  found  ready  means  for  their 
development,  and  he  was  made  captain  of 
a  company  of  boys  who  were  learning  to  drill 
in  the  squares  and  open  places  of  Oaxaca. 
At  that  time  a  battalion  of  National  Guards 
was  being  organized  in  Oaxaca  to  resist  the 
American  invasion.  It  never  saw  actual  ser- 
vice, for  it  was  composed  of  boys,  a  fact 
which  gave  it  the  nickname  of  "  Better-than- 
Nothing."  In  this  way,  Porfirio  learned  how 
to  handle  a  rifle,  and  according  to  some  biog- 
raphers, took  his  first  lessoW  in  tactics  and 
56 


PERIOD   OF   FORMATION 

strategy  at  the  same  time  under  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Ignacio  Uria. 

Thus  it  happened  that  in  1850  Porfirio 
gave  up  the  idea  of  becoming  a  priest,  to  the 
great  disgust  of  his  family,  and  entered  the 
Institute  of  Oaxaca  to  study  law,  a  career 
much  more  to  his  taste.  In  the  institute  he 
was  irresistibly  drawn  toward  a  group  of 
young  men  who  were  affiliated  with  the  Lib- 
eral Party.  He  advanced  regularly  in  his 
course,  and,  at  the  end  of  1853,  took  his  first 
examination  in  the  law,  and  in  January,  1854, 
his  second. 

But  Destiny  evidently  did  not  intend  Por- 
firio  Diaz  either  for  the  priesthood  or  the 
law.  The  ominous  dictatorship  of  Santa- 
Anna  had  become  insupportable.  In  those 
days  there  was  public  spirit  in  Mexico,  and 
men  of  courage  and  sound  principles  who 
were  ready  to  fight  against  tyranny ! 

On  March  1,  1854,  in  the  State  of  Gue- 
rrero, the  revolutionary  Declaration  of  Ayut- 
la  was  proclaimed,  and  on  March  llth  the 
57 


POKFIRIO   DIAZ 

garrison  of  Acapulco  re-affirmed  the  Decla- 
ration, with  some  changes. 

Santa-Anna,  baleful  president  for  Mex- 
ico, was  both  a  knave  and  a  fool,  however 
contradictory  this  may  seem,  for  the  first 
requisite  of  a  rascal  is  intelligence.  He 
was  anxious  to  smother  the  revolution  in 
blood,  and  marched  toward  the  State  of 
Guerrero;  but  at  the  same  time,  wishing  to 
deceive  the  public,  he  hit  upon  the  idea  of 
requesting  the  people  to  decide  by  vote 
whether  he  should  continue  to  exercise  the 
dictatorial  power,  which  he  now  stood  ready 
to  surrender. 

On  October  20,  1854,  this  bombastic  tyrant 
declared  to  the  nation,  through  the  medium 
of  the  Secretary  of  State,  Don  Ignacio 
Aguilar,  his  conviction  that  it  was  impossible 
to  govern  without  dictatorial  power,  but  that 
he  did  not  desire  to  retain  this  power  ex- 
cept with  the  full  confidence  of  the  Mexican 
people ;  he  was,  therefore,  anxious  to  consult 
their  wishes.  With  this  end  in  view  he  de- 
58 


PERIOD   OF   FORMATION 

creed  that,  on  December  1st,  the  presidents  of 
the  local  boards  should  hold  in  all  centers  of 
population  of  Mexico  mass  meetings,  in  which 
every  Mexican,  of  whatever  class  or  condi- 
tion, should  participate,  in  order  to  express 
with  perfect  freedom  and  inviolability  his 
opinion  upon  this  grave  question.  He  further 
directed  the  people  to  express  their  will  only 
upon  the  following  points :  "  1st,  "Whether 
Santa- Anna,  President  of  the  Republic,  shall 
continue  to  hold  the  supreme  power  with  the 
same  unrestricted  authority  which  he  to-day 
exercises ;  2d,  In  case  he  is  not  to  continue  to 
exercise  these  unlimited  powers,  to  whom 
shall  he  delegate  this  authority  at  once  and 
forthwith?" 

In  Oaxaca  more  than  six  thousand  persons 
voted  to  continue  him  in  his  tyrannical  pow- 
ers; only  two  had  sufficient  courage  to  ex- 
press their  true  opinion — Miguel  Ruiz,  who 
voted  against  the  first  clause,  and  named  as 
president  Don  Juan  Bautista  Ceballos,  and 
Porfirio  Diaz,  who  did  the  same,  but  gave  his 
59 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

vote  in  favor  of  General  Juan  Alvarez, 
leader  of  the  revolution  then  in  progress.  In 
spite  of  all  his  promises  of  liberty  and  guar- 
antees to  respect  individual  opinion,  all  who 
voted  for  General  Alvarez  were  arrested  and 
convicted  of  conspiracy. 

Santa-Anna's  perfidious  action,  and  the 
order  of  arrest,  determined  Porfirio  Diaz's 
future;  he  immediately  decided  to  flee  from 
Oaxaca  and  join  one  of  the  revolutionary 
bands.  Thought  and  action  being  one  with 
him,  he  proceeded  at  once  to  Mixteca,  and 
joined  the  force  of  one  Captain  Herrera, 
composed  of  two  hundred  men,  badly  armed, 
and  without  organization. 

This  force  was  pursued  and  put  to  flight. 
Porfirio  Diaz  remained  in  hiding  until  July, 
1855,  when  the  Santa-Anna  government  was 
overthrown  in  Oaxaca  by  a  popular  insurrec- 
tion. At  that  time,  Porfirio  Diaz  was  made 
sub-prefect  of  Ixtlan,  and  there  organized 
shortly  afterwards  a  force  of  one  hundred 
and  fifty  men,  with  whom  he  participated  in 
60 


PEEIOD   OF   FOEMATION 

the  triumph  of  the  Eevolution  of  Ayutla. 
After  that,  he  became  commander  of  a  bat- 
talion of  the  National  Guard.  This  position 
he  soon  resigned  and  returned  to  his  sub- 
prefecture  of  Ixtlan.  Here  he  remained  only 
a  short  time,  as  the  Reactionary  Party  had 
appealed  to  arms  to  overthrow  the  govern- 
ment, which  had  been  set  up  according  to  the 
"  Declaration  of  Ayutla." 

At  that  time,  the  government  of  Oaxaca 
was  reorganizing  the  National  Guards  to 
fight  against  the  guerrilla  bands  of  revolu- 
tionists which  had  invaded  the  state,  and 
Porfirio  Diaz  was  made  captain  of  the 
"  Second  Battalion  of  the  State."  This  was 
the  real  beginning  of  his  military  career; 
from  that  time  on  he  followed  this  calling 
continuously  and  with  distinction. 

Many  of  the  biographies  of  President  Diaz 
represent  him  at  this  time  as  a  military  gen- 
ius, and  as  actual  director  of  his  superiors. 
In  fact,  nothing  of  the  sort  was  the  case;  I 
have  General  Diaz's  own  statement  on  this 
61 


POBFIRIO   DIAZ 

point.  During  the  first  period  of  his  military 
career,  he  made  up  his  mind  to  observe,  study, 
and  obey.  There  was,  of  course,  within  him 
the  material  for  a  great  captain,  and  this 
material  was  slowly  developing,  favored  by 
circumstances. 

Diaz's  first  position  was  that  of  a  subaltern 
who  understood  orders  and  knew  how  to 
carry  them  out.  He  was  well  disciplined,  a 
good  organizer,  and  brave.  He  took  natu- 
rally to  the  art  of  war,  acquired  experience, 
and  afterwards  transformed  the  art  into  a 
science. 

On  August  13,  1857,  he  was  seriously 
wounded  in  the  battle  of  Ixcapa.  It  took  four 
months  to  heal  this  wound,  but  he  pulled 
through,  thanks  to  his  sound  constitution. 
He  returned  to  the  fight  before  he  had  com- 
pletely recovered,  in  order  to  cooperate  in 
the  defense  of  the  city  of  Oaxaca,  which  was 
menaced  from  December,  1857,  to  January, 
1858,  by  the  Reactionary  leader  of  unsavory 
memory,  Jose  Maria  Cobos. 
62 


PEBIOD   OF   FORMATION 

President  Comonfort  launched  his  baleful 
coup  d'etat;  after  this  came  General  Felix 
Zuloaga's  declaration  of  support,  in  which 
he  explained  the  plan  of  Tacubaya,  ignoring 
the  Constitution  of  1857,  and  proclaiming 
"  Eeligion  and  Privileges." 

Diaz's  work  in  the  Constitutional  Party 
showed  him  to  be  a  true  Liberal,  and  he  con- 
tinued fighting  for  this  noble  cause.  He  fig- 
ured with  some  distinction  in  the  so-called 
"  Three  Years'  War,"  having  taken  part  in 
the  capture  of  Jalapa  (Oaxaca)  on  February 
25,  1858,  and  in  the  battle  of  Las  Jicaras  on 
April  13th  of  the  same  year,  as  commander- 
in-chief.  This  action  resulted  in  his  promo- 
tion to  the  rank  of  major  on  July  22d.  At 
that  time,  he  was  both  political  head  and 
military  commander  of  Tehuantepec. 

Diaz  still  suffered  from  the  wound  he  had 
received  at  Ixcapa,  as  the  surgeons  had  not 
been  able  to  find  the  bullet.*  But  by  good  for- 
tune, some  American  surgeons,  who  hap- 
pened to  be  at  Tehuantepec,  undertook  the 
63 


POBFIRIO   DIAZ 

operation  and  succeeded  in  removing  the 
bullet.  After  this,  the  young  soldier  recov- 
ered all  his  strength  and  energy. 

In  the  year  1859  (June  17th)  occurred  the 
battle  of  Mixtequilla  against  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Espinosa.  In  this  battle  the  above- 
mentioned  commander  of  the  Eeactionary 
forces  was  killed.  On  account  of  this  success- 
ful action  Diaz  was  promoted,  on  July  6th,  to 
the  rank  of  lieutenant  colonel  of  infantry. 
On  November  25th  he  attacked  the  city  of  Te- 
huantepec,  which  had  been  occupied  by  the 
Eeactionaries  during  the  time  which  Diaz 
had  employed  in  going  to  Coatzacoalcos  to 
receive  and  dispatch  a  convoy  of  war, 
brought  from  the  United  States  and  destined 
for  the  Liberal  forces  in  the  southern  part 
of  the  Eepublic.  This  commission  was  dis- 
charged admirably  by  Diaz;  it  secured  him 
promotion  to  colonel  of  infantry,  and  his 
commission  was  dated  back  to  November 
25th. 

In  referring  to  this  period,  General  Ig- 
64 


PERIOD   OF   FOEMATION 

nacio  Escudero  says  that  Porfirio  Diaz,  who 
was  then  hardly  twenty-seven,  had  sustained 
for  two  years,  with  a  mere  handful  of  men, 
an  unequal  contest  in  the  midst  of  a  hostile 
population,  without  receiving  a  dollar  in 
money  or  a  single  militiaman  from  either  the 
State  or  the  Federal  government.  In  spite 
of  the  poverty  of  the  region  in  which  he  was 
operating,  its  unhealthful  condition,  and  the 
reactionary  sentiment  prevailing  there,  which 
caused  them  to  refuse  him  all  kinds  of  sup- 
plies and  munitions  of  war,  clothing  and  the 
like,  he  paid  his  forces  and  settled  all  ex- 
penses of  public  administration,  and,  in  ad- 
dition, succeeded  in  gaining  the  confidence  of 
the  people  and  the  credit  of  the  merchants. 

On  January  21,  1860,  occurred  the  battle 
of  Mitla,  against  Marcelino  Cobos,  a  victory 
like  that  of  Pyrrhus,  which  was  in  reality  a 
disaster.  On  February  2d  was  fought  the 
action  of  Fortin  de  la  Soledad  against  the 
same  rebel  chief ;  on  March  9th  that  of  Mar- 
quesado  against  Casimiro  Acebal;  on  May 
65 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

15th  that  of  Ixtepeji  against  Anastasio 
Trejo. 

The  Liberal  commanders  operating  in  the 
State  of  Oaxaca,  decided  to  attack  Oaxaca 
city,  at  that  time  held  by  Jose  Maria  Cobos, 
who  was  strongly  entrenched;  according- 
ly they  began  to  organize  their  respective 
forces  with  this  end  in  view.  On  July  31st, 
Porfirio  Diaz  marched  out  of  Ixtlan  with  his 
contingent,  and  on  August  3d  arrived  before 
Oaxaca,  Colonel  Salinas  with  him. 

The  forces  of  the  Liberals  amounted  to 
barely  700  men,  with  2  pieces  of  mounted 
artillery;  those  of  Cobos  reached  2,000  men, 
and  he  had  in  addition  6  field  pieces  and  6 
pieces  of  mounted  artillery.  The  undertak- 
ing could  not  have  been  more  audacious  on 
the  part  of  the  Liberals,  for  they  were  at- 
tacking a  fortification  with  forces  inferior  to 
those  of  their  entrenched  adversaries.  Nev- 
ertheless, the  place  was  taken  in  a  series  of 
open  attacks. 

Porfirio  Diaz  was  wounded  in  the  leg,  but 
66 


PEEIOD   OF   FOEMATION 

did  not  leave  the  field  for  a  single  moment. 
As  a  mark  of  reward  for  these  achievements, 
President  Juarez  raised  him,  on  August  22d, 
to  the  rank  of  a  colonel  of  the  regular  army, 
and  arranged  that  he  should  proceed  imme- 
diately as  chief  of  staff  of  the  brigade,  which 
was  about  to  leave  Oaxaca  to  commence  op- 
erations in  the  central  part  of  the  country. 
In  that  region  the  decisive  battles  against 
the  Keactionary  Party  were  about  to  take 
place. 

This  brigade  made  a  junction  with  the 
division  of  General  Ampudia,  and  the  "  Three 
Years'  War  "  was  virtually  ended  on  Decem- 
ber 22, 1860,  by  the  defeat  of  the  Eeactionary 
Party  at  Calpulalpam.  On  the  llth  of  the 
following  January  Juarez  made  his  tri- 
umphal entry  into  the  Capital  of  the  Ee- 
public. 

Upon  the  reestablishment  of  the  consti- 
tutional regime,  young  Colonel  Diaz  was 
elected  a  deputy  from  Oaxaca  to  the  Union 
Congress,  and  he  relinquished  the  command 
67 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

of  his  troops  in  order  to  take  up  his  new  re- 
sponsibilities. 

But  the  Reactionaries,  although  van- 
quished, were  not  yet  crushed,  and  com- 
menced guerrilla  warfare,  pillaging  villages 
and  committing  all  sorts  of  crimes.  General 
Leonardo  Marquez,  the  most  conspicuous  of 
these  chiefs,  after  Miranon,  organized  a 
considerable  force  and  attempted  to  at- 
tack the  Capital,  but  the  plan  was  frus- 
trated, and  Porfirio  Diaz  was  one  of  the 
principal  heroes  of  that  memorable  day, 
June  24, 1861. 

At  the  same  time,  President  Juarez  organ- 
ized a  division  for  the  purpose  of  annihilat- 
ing Marquez.  He  placed  the  division  under 
the  command  of  Gonzalez  Ortega,  the  victor 
of  Calpulalpam. 

One  of  the  brigades  in  this  division  was 
that  of  Oaxaca,  the  one  of  which  Porfirio 
Diaz  had  been  Chief  of  Staff  (Mayor  de  Or- 
denes),  and  by  a  mere  chance — the  illness  of 
General  Ignacio  Mejia,  who  was  its  real  com- 
68 


PERIOD   OF   FOBMATION 

mander — it  actually  took  the  field  under  Por- 
firio  Diaz. 

The  campaign  was  vigorous  and  short. 
Marquez  had  more  than  5,000  men  and  8 
pieces  of  artillery,  and  moved  with  extreme 
rapidity.  But  his  pursuers  did  not  lose  track 
of  him,  for  Colonel  Diaz  moved  with  even 
greater  rapidity,  and  in  the  early  morning  of 
August  13,  1861,  surprised  Marquez  in  Ja- 
latlaco. 

Diaz  had  orders  to  hold  Marquez  in  check, 
cut  off  his  retreat,  and  await  the  arrival  of 
Gonzalez  Ortega  with  the  main  body  of  the 
army.  But  the  young  Colonel  could  not  re- 
sist the  chance  so  propitiously  offered  him. 
He  penetrated  with  his  forces  to  the  center  of 
the  camp  of  the  Reactionaries,  without  being 
perceived,  until  he  came  to  the  porch  of  the 
parish  church,  in  which  the  headquarters  of 
the  army  was  located. 

Diaz  made  his  attack  with  his  usual  dash 
and  daring,  his  soldiers  performed  prodigies 
of  valor,  and  when  the  sun  rose  Diaz  saw  with 
69 


PORFIBIO   DIAZ 

surprise  that  the  number  of  his  prisoners 
was  seven  times  as  great  as  that  of  their 
conquerors.  Nevertheless,  Marquez,  Zuloaga, 
and  others  of  the  principal  chiefs  succeeded 
in  making  their  escape. 

Gonzalez  Ortega  felt  great  admiration  for 
this  bold  stroke,  and  asked  the  President  to 
promote  forthwith  the  young  and  daring 
Oaxacan  Colonel.  But  he  added  that,  if  the 
outcome  had  been  different,  Diaz  would  have 
been  subjected  to  a  court  martial  for  having 
acted  contrary  to  the  orders  from  headquar- 
ters. Was  this  charge  justified?  Diaz  un- 
derstood that  as  soon  as  day  broke  the  enemy 
would  become  aware  of  his  presence,  and 
either  retire,  which  would  frustrate  the  plan 
of  following  up  Marquez,  or  fight,  which,  in 
view  of  the  smallness  of  the  forces  under 
Diaz's  command,  would  oblige  him  to  re- 
treat, in  order  to  give  General  Ortega  time 
enough  to  come  up.  Diaz  understood  that 
night  surprises  not  infrequently  turn  out 
unfavorably  for  those  who  undertake  them; 
70 


PEEIOD   OF   FORMATION 

but  at  the  same  time  he  reasoned  with  good 
ground  that  the  enemy  would  be  tired  out 
and  unprepared,  and  he  determined  to  risk 
all  for  the  sake  of  all,  judging  that  the  pre- 
ponderance of  chance  was  on  his  side,  and 
knowing  also  that  Marquez,  as  soon  as  he 
perceived  the  attack,  would  think  that  the 
whole  Liberal  army  was  upon  him — and  so  it 
turned  out. 

Some  people  have  thought  that  they  saw  in 
this  attack  the  evidence  of  ambition.  They 
are  mistaken.  At  that  time  Porfirio  Diaz  was 
one  of  the  least  ambitious  men  in  Mexico. 
He  acted  in  obedience  to  his  inner  con- 
viction that,  considering  the  circumstances, 
there  was  no  other  wise  course  to  pur- 
sue. General  Ortega  understood  this  well 
enough. 

President  Juarez  acted  upon  the  recom- 
mendation and  promoted  Colonel  Diaz  at 
once  to  the  rank  of  brigadier.  This  hap- 
pened on  August  25,  1861,  and  in  the  above 
capacity  Diaz  took  part  in  the  battle  of  Pa- 
6  71 


POEFIBIO   DIAZ 

chuca,  on  October  20th,  under  the  orders  of 
General  Tapia. 

At  this  point  ends  the  first  period  of  the 
military  career  of  our  hero :  his  time  of  initia- 
tion, of  study,  and  of  probation.  The  sub- 
altern had  been  promoted  grade  by  grade 
until,  at  barely  thirty-one,  he  had  become 
brigadier,  and  achieved  a  reputation.  Only 
one  place  remained  between  him  and  the 
highest  position  in  the  army — that  of  gen- 
eral of  division.  This  he  was  soon  destined 
to  reach  through  the  French  intervention, 
which  was  already  at  our  doors,  and  would 
furnish  ample  opportunity  for  promotion. 


UN; 

OF 


CHAPTER  IV 

PEBIOD   OF  DEVELOPMENT 

THIS  is  not  an  appropriate  place  to 
discuss  the  causes  which  brought 
about  the  French  intervention,  nor 
to  mention  the  dishonorable  conduct  of  the 
representatives  of  France  in  Mexico,  for  the 
reader  will  find  all  this,  elaborated  with  full 
details,  in  works  of  another  kind.  I  am  at 
present  concerned  only  with  what  affects  the 
military  life  of  Porfirio  Diaz,  and  I  am  glad 
to  say  that  it  fell  to  the  lot  of  his  forces  to 
fire  the  first  shot  in  this  disastrous  cam- 
paign, and  also  to  fire  the  last  in  the  final 
siege  and  occupation  of  the  Capital  of  the 
Eepublic. 

In  truth  the  French,  in  violation  of  the 

Treaty  of  Soledad,  instead  of  retiring  to  a 

line  back  of  Chiquihuite,  as  had  been  agreed 

upon,  treacherously  attacked  a  Mexican  out- 

73 


POBFIBIO   DIAZ 

post.  This  consisted  of  a  company  of  forty 
men  belonging  to  the  Second  Brigade  of  Oax- 
aca,  the  one  which  Porfirio  Diaz  commanded. 
The  brave  Colonel  Felix  Diaz,  younger 
brother  of  the  general,  commanded  the  out- 
post, which  fought  heroically  against  400 
French  soldiers.  Colonel  Diaz,  after  being 
wounded  and  taken  prisoner,  was  overpow- 
ered, but  escaped  that  very  night  from  the 
clutches  of  his  enemies.  By  this  attack,  which 
took  place  on  April  19,  1862,  hostilities  were 
opened. 

Porfirio  Diaz  was  in  command  of  the  ad- 
vance guard  of  the  Mexican  army,  and  held 
a  position  on  the  plains  of  Escamela,  about 
six  miles  from  the  place  in  which  his  brother 
had  been  set  upon.  He  at  once  took  the  neces- 
sary steps  to  resist  the  enemy.  Zaragoza, 
who  was  the  general  in  chief,  ordered  a  re- 
treat; General  Diaz's  contingent  became  the 
rear  guard,  and  covered  the  retrograde  move- 
ment with  bra  very  and  faultless  maneuvering. 

In  the  action  of  April  28th,  on  the  heights 
74 


PEEIOD   OF   DEVELOPMENT 

of  Acultzingo,  it  fell  to  the  lot  of  General 
Diaz's  forces  to  check  the  advance  of  the 
French  while  the  main  army  was  retreating. 
General  Zaragoza  ordered  him  to  defend  the 
position,  at  any  cost,  for  an  hour  after  the 
last  of  the  national  troops  had  passed  over 
Colorado  Bridge.  Diaz,  with  a  handful  of 
men,  blocked  the  French  advance  until  night 
had  fallen.  Then  he  quietly  retired. 

On  the  memorable  day  of  May  5th,  General 
Diaz  figured  among  the  principal  heroes.  His 
defense  of  the  outpost  of  "La  Ladrillera," 
his  fight  in  the  open  field  against  the  best 
soldiers  of  the  French  army,  the  boldness 
with  which  he  obstructed  the  advance  of  these 
troops,  and  the  defeat  which  made  them  flee 
in  disorder  to  their  camp,  constituted  one  of 
the  most  glorious  episodes  of  that  never-to- 
be-forgotten  day.  General  Zaragoza  was 
obliged  to  send  most  peremptory  orders  to 
Porfirio  Diaz  to  induce  him  to  relinquish  his 
pursuit  of  the  enemy  and  return  to  the  city. 

After  this  defeat,  the  French  retired 
75 


POBFIEIO   DIAZ 

toward  Orizaba  with  General  Zaragoza  fol- 
lowing them,  and  the  French  intervention 
would  certainly  have  been  ended  at  that  city 
in  the  State  of  Vera  Cruz,  had  it  not  been  for 
the  disaster  which  befell  General  Ortega's 
forces  at  Borrego  Hill,  at  daybreak,  on  July 
14th.  This  disaster  frustrated  the  admirable 
plan  of  the  Chief  of  the  Army  of  the  East. 

On  the  same  day  the  French  attacked  Zara- 
goza. This  battle,  generally  known  under 
the  name  of  "Accion  de  la  Ceiba,"  was  un- 
favorable to  the  French,  whose  forces  were 
driven  back  and  obliged  to  take  refuge  in  the 
trenches  of  Orizaba,  pursued  by  Berriozabal 
and  Porfirio  Diaz. 

In  spite  of  this  success,  Zaragoza  consid- 
ered it  prudent  to  fall  back  toward  Puebla. 
He  appointed  Porfirio  Diaz  provisional  com- 
mander of  the  division  of  General  Llave, 
who  had  been  wounded  in  Borrego,  and  this 
made  Diaz  Governor  and  Military  Command- 
er of  the  State  of  Vera  Cruz,  which  had  al- 
ready been  placed  under  martial  law.  But 
76 


PEBIOD   OF   DEVELOPMENT 

General  Diaz  succeeded  in  obtaining  his  re- 
lease from  this  civil  command  and  returned 
to  the  Army  of  the  East  as  Chief  of  the  Sec- 
ond Brigade  of  the  First  Division. 

Zaragoza  died  a  victim  of  typhus,  and  was 
succeeded  by  General  Gonzalez  Ortega,  who 
defended  Puebla  during  the  memorable  siege 
maintained  by  Forey  from  March  16th  to 
May  17, 1863. 

In  this  siege,  so  full  of  instances  of  hero- 
ism and  so  glorious  for  the  Mexican  forces, 
Porfirio  Diaz  stood  out  as  one  of  the  most 
eminent  figures  in  the  defense  of  his-  country. 
His  principal  achievements  were  the  defense 
of  the  barracks  of  San  Marcos  and  of  the 
Square  of  San  Augustin,  which  won  him 
honorable  mention  in  the  report  of  the  ac- 
tions of  April  3d  and  4th.  He  also  gained 
distinction  for  his  share  in  the  day's  fighting 
which  took  place  on  the  19th  of  the  same 
month.  His  brilliant  conduct  on  these  occa- 
sions gained  him  promotion  to  the  rank  of 
general,  under  date  of  May  29,  1863. 
77 


POBFIRIO   DIAZ 

Diaz  was  taken  prisoner  in  Puebla  with  the 
entire  garrison,  which  surrendered  uncondi- 
tionally. But  he  was  one  of  the  first  to  es- 
cape and  make  application  to  Juarez  to  be 
allowed  to  continue  serving  his  country. 

Juarez  left  the  Capital  and  confided  to 
Diaz  the  command  of  the  Central  Army, 
whose  duty  it  was  to  cover  the  retreat  of  the 
president. 

On  October  14,  1863,  Juarez  made  Diaz 
general  of  division,  and  entrusted  to  him  as 
his  field  of  action  the  Eastern  Section,  begin- 
ning with  the  State  of  Oaxaca. 

Diaz  accepted  the  responsibility,  and  with 
a  small  army  moved  from  San  Juan  del  Eio 
by  the  mountain  road  toward  the  southeast. 
He  was  obliged  to  traverse  a  region  occupied 
by  the  French  and  by  an  army  composed  of 
those  Mexicans  who  had  betrayed  their  coun- 
try and  allied  themselves  with  the  French. 
This  was  the  beginning  of  Porfirio  Diaz's 
period  of  great  military  achievement.  He 
arrived  at  Tasco,  and  on  October  26th,  27th, 
78 


PERIOD   OF   DEVELOPMENT 

and  28th  engaged  in  his  first  battle  as 
General  of  Division,  which  resulted  in  the 
defeat  of  the  garrison,  the  capture  of  its 
defenders,  and  the  appropriation  of  a 
considerable  quantity  of  arms  and  ammu- 
nition. 

After  this,  he  marched  rapidly  toward 
Oaxaca,  which  was  destined  to  become  his 
base  of  operations.  During  this  period  he 
had  under  his  exclusive  command  the  States 
of  Oaxaca,  Puebla,  Taxcala,  and  Vera  Cruz; 
he  succeeded  not  only  in  administering,  as 
far  as  possible,  these  State  governments,  but 
also  managed  to  give  aid  to  the  patriots,  who 
were  struggling  for  the  cause  of  national  in- 
dependence in  Tabasco  and  Chiapas. 

But  the  great  plans  which  this  intrepid 
captain  had  conceived  could  not  be  realized, 
because  of  treason  in  the  ranks  of  the  defend- 
ers of  their  country  and  the  consequent  dis- 
affection of  many  of  its  sons. 

General  Bazaine,  commander  of  the  French 
army,  was  greatly  disturbed  when  he  per- 
79 


POBFIRIO   DIAZ 

ceived  the  progress  that  Diaz  was  making, 
and  decided  to  attack  him  personally  with 
the  best  forces  he  had  under  his  command. 
He  ordered  General  Brincourt,  who  was  op- 
erating in  the  State  of  Puebla,  to  advance 
upon  the  frontier  of  Oaxaca.  This  Brin- 
court did  at  once,  marching  with  2,000  men 
against  Huajuapam  de  Leon  at  the  same 
time  that  Colonel  Giraud,  with  the  Seventh 
of  line,  directed  his  march  toward  San  An- 
tonio Nanahuatipam. 

At  this  point  Diaz  conceived  one  of  his  ad- 
mirable plans.  He  started  ostensibly  for 
Huajuapam,  and,  on  reaching  Tejupam, 
turned  suddenly  to  the  right  to  attack  the 
rear  guard  of  the  French  at  La  Canada.  At 
Nanahuatipam,  Colonel  Espinosa  had  been 
posted  with  one  battalion  to  oppose  the 
forces  of  Brincourt.  Diaz  ordered  Espinosa 
to  maintain  his  position,  at  all  costs,  until 
further  notice,  in  order  that  he  might  sup- 
port Diaz,  when  he  should  attack  the  rear 
guard  of  the  French.  Unfortunately,  Es- 
80 


PERIOD   OF   DEVELOPMENT 

pinosa  gave  way  before  the  time;  but,  in 
spite  of  this,  Diaz  attacked  the  enemy  and 
dislodged  him,  and  would  have  obtained  a 
complete  victory,  if  Espinosa  had  attacked 
the  French  in  the  front.  But  this  was  not  to 
be !  The  French  had  time  to  re-form,  thanks 
to  their  discipline  and  courage,  and  turned 
into  a  disaster  what  had  already  been  a  vic- 
tory for  our  army.  This  action  took  place 
on  August  10, 1864.  Diaz  fell  back  upon  Es- 
pinosa, and  both  countermarched  to  Oaxaca, 
in  which  place  General  Diaz  made  the  mis- 
take of  shutting  himself  up. 

General  Mariano  Escobedo,  the  general 
who  afterwards  became  the  conqueror  of 
Maximilian,  and  Eafael  Benavides  separated 
from  General  Diaz  on  account  of  a  disagree- 
ment. The  French  general,  Courtois  d'Hur- 
bal,  who  was  directing  the  campaign  until 
the  arrival  of  General  Bazaine,  marched  up- 
on Oaxaca,  and  inflicted  disaster  after  dis- 
aster upon  our  troops,  until  they  were 
obliged  to  shut  themselves  behind  the  ill- 
81 


POEFIEIO   DIAZ 


defended  walls  of  Oaxaca,  which  was  now 
formally  besieged. 

The  besieging  army  numbered  10,000  men, 
well  disciplined  and  well  equipped,  the  be- 
sieged barely  2000,  most  of  whom  had  been 
reduced  to  a  state  of  demoralization  by  their 
continued  defeats.  Desertions  were  of  daily 
occurrence,  and  at  last  there  was  no  alterna- 
tive but  surrender.  General  Diaz  presented 
himself  entirely  alone  before  Bazaine's  camp, 
saying  that  he  gave  himself  up  a  prisoner  and 
asked  no  guarantees  of  any  kind  for  himself, 
only  for  his  troops.  Why  did  he  take  this 
step,  which  has  been  so  much  criticised  by 
his  enemies  ?  Because  he  no  longer  had  suf- 
ficient resources  to  continue  resistance;  be- 
cause his  forces  were  demoralized  and  ready 
to  rebel  against  him.  He  knew  that  they 
were  plotting  to  assassinate  him  in  order  to 
put  an  end  to  the  siege,  and  that  they  were 
disposed  to  go  over  to  the  enemy.  This  was 
undoubtedly  the  actual  state  of  affairs  at 
that  time. 

82 


PEKIOD   OF   DEVELOPMENT 

Bazaine  took  possession  of  Oaxaca  on  Feb- 
ruary 9,  1865,  and  General  Diaz  was  sent  to 
Puebla,  where  he  was  imprisoned  in  the  Con- 
vent of  La  Compania,  until  the  night  of  Sep- 
tember 20th,  during  which  he  escaped  in  a 
bold  and  truly  romantic  fashion,  if  one  may 
be  permitted  to  use  this  phrase.  The  fugi- 
tive fled  from  Puebla,  accompanied  only  by 
a  single  individual,  and  proceeded  with  the 
greatest  possible  speed  to  Coayuca,  where 
the  guerrilla  chief,  Bernardino  Garcia,  await- 
ed him  with  fourteen  men. 

At  this  point  in  his  life,  the  period  of  Diaz's 
wonderful  success  begins.  On  the  follow- 
ing day  (September  22d),  he  surprised,  with 
his  fourteen  men,  the  garrison  of  Tehuit- 
zingo,  took  away  their  arms,  reorganized 
into  a  company  of  forty  men,  and  started  for 
Piaxtla.  There  he  defeated  a  squadron  of 
cavalry  (September  23d),  which  was  dis- 
patched against  him  from  Acatlan.  He  took 
their  arms  and  horses,  and  proceeded  rapidly 
in  the  direction  of  the  State  of  Guerrero.  In 
83 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

Tlapa,  Colonels  Cano  and  Segura  joined  him 
with  a  picket  of  sixty  men. 

Bazaine  dispatched  a  party  of  200  infan- 
try and  fifty  cavalry  in  pursuit  of  Diaz,  under 
the  command  of  Visoso.  '  Diaz  surprised  his 
pursuers  on  October  1st  and  defeated  them 
completely,  killing  forty  men  and  taking 
many  prisoners  and  a  considerable  number 
of  arms,  besides  a  large  sum  of  money,  which 
he  used  as  a  nucleus  for  the  commissariat  of 
the  Army  of  the  East.  On  December  2d  he 
again  encountered  Visoso  at  Comitlipa,  and 
completely  annihilated  his  forces. 

Diaz  began  the  year  of  1866  with  the  vic- 
tory of  Tlaxiaco  against  Triujeque  (January 
6th).  On  February  25th  he  fought  General 
Jose  Maria  Ortega  in  "  Lo  de  Soto " ;  on 
April  14th  he  again  defeated  Triujeque  in 
Putla;  on  September  5th  he  put  Virikar  to 
flight  in  the  battle  of  Huajuapam ;  on  the  23d 
of  the  same  month,  he  routed  a  column  of 
Austrians  at  Nochixtlan,  in  which  fight  the 
Austrian  commander,  Count  Ganz,  was  killed. 
84 


PERIOD   OF   DEVELOPMENT 

On  October  13th  occurred  the  first  of  his 
great  victories,  that  of  "  Miahuatlan,"  in 
which  Oronoz  and  Testard  were  defeated; 
on  the  18th  occurred  the  second,  even  more 
brilliant  and  glorious  for  Mexico,  that  of 
"  La  Carbonera " ;  and  on  the  31st  he  took 
the  city  of  Oaxaca,  which  for  some  time  he 
had  been  besieging. 

'All  this  he  accomplished  with  the  nucleus 
of  fourteen  men  of  Bernardino  Garcia,  to 
which  he  had  added  daily.  His  force  con- 
sisted of  700  men  when  he  fought  the  battle 
of  Miahuatlan.  He  began  to  organize  his 
army  in  Oaxaca  with  the  first-class  muni- 
tions of  war  which  he  had  captured,  and 
closed  the  year  1866  by  defeating  Eemigio 
Toledo  in  the  action  of  "  La  Chitova." 

The  year  1867  was  destined  to  bring  great 
renown  to  Diaz.  Already  the  French  army 
was  retiring  after  four  years  of  bloody  and 
useless  struggle.  Porfirio  Diaz  commenced 
his  advance  toward  the  center  of  the  country 
during  the  first  fortnight  of  February,  and 
85 


POEFIEIO   DIAZ 

had  his  headquarters  established  in  the  Villa 
de  Acatlan  when  Mr.  E.  Burnouf,  Maximil- 
ian's emissary,  presented  himself  and  made 
tempting  proposals,  looking  toward  the  ar- 
rangement of  a  trnce,  by  which  a  cessation 
of  hostilities  might  be  arranged  during  the 
retreat  of  the  Archduke  Maximilian  from 
the  Capital  to  Vera  Cruz,  where  he  intend- 
ed to  embark.  The  Eepublican  commander, 
however,  refused  to  make  any  such  arrange- 
ment on  the  ground  that,  as  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  army,  which  had  been  entrusted 
to  him  by  the  government  of  the  Eepublic,  he 
could  have  no  other  relations  with  the  Arch- 
duke than  those  which  the  code  of  military 
laws  permitted  with  a  leader  of  the  enemy. 

Mariscal  Bazaine,  now  converted  into  an 
implacable  enemy  of  Maximilian,  also  ap- 
proached Diaz,  through  the  mediation  of  Don 
Carlos  Fiel,  who  proposed  that  arrangements 
be  made  by  which  Diaz  should  occupy  the 
Capital.  He  further  offered  to  sell  him  arms, 
equipment,  and  munitions  of  war.  But  Diaz 
86 


PEEIOD   OF    DEVELOPMENT 

also  refused  to  enter  into  negotiations  with 
Bazaine. 

The  Kepublican  leader  continued  his 
march,  constantly  increasing  his  ranks  with 
the  various  parties  which  he  met  on  the  way. 
On  March  8th  he  arrived  before  Puebla  with 
3,000  men  under  his  command.  The  place 
was  well  fortified,  and  it  seemed  unheard-of 
rashness  to  attempt  to  take  it  with  such 
meagre  resources. 

At  that  time  the  Kepublican  General  Mari- 
ano Escobedo  was  besieging  Queretaro,  the 
place  in  which  Maximilian  had  shut  himself 
with  his  best  generals.  President  Juarez 
thought,  apparently  with  good  reason,  that 
the  denouement  of  the  Imperial  drama  de- 
pended upon  the  capture  of  Queretaro,  and 
he  tried  to  concentrate  upon  the  place  the 
greatest  possible  number  of  forces.  With 
this  in  view,  he  ordered  General  Diaz  to 
send  troops  to  Queretaro.  This  order  the 
young  commander  obeyed  immediately,  dis- 
patching the  forces  of  the  Second  District 
7  87 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

of  the  State  of  Mexico  and  a  brigade  from 
Puebla,  under  the  command  of  General  Juan 
N.  Mendez ;  he  further  arranged  that  General 
Biva  Palacio,  who  was  then  in  Toluca,  should 
join  this  division  with  the  troops  under  his 
command. 

Fortunately,  a  few  days  after  this,  the 
Division  of  the  South  formed  a  junction  with 
the  Army  of  the  East,  and  General  Escobedo 
detached  General  Guadarrama  with  the  cav- 
alry, as  he  considered  it  unnecessary  in  the 
siege  of  Queretaro. 

Diaz  at  once  undertook  to  capture  Puebla 
by  means  of  minor  engagements.  He  suc- 
ceeded in  occupying  successively  the  follow- 
ing points:  Santiago,  Molino  de  Huitzotitla, 
the  barracks  of  San  Marcos,  the  Hospicio  and 
the  Convent  of  "  La  Merced."  By  March 
13th,  he  held  possession  of  all  these  places, 
but,  in  the  meantime,  General  Leonardo 
Marquez,  Viceroy  of  the  Empire,  had  suc- 
ceeded in  making  a  sortie  from  Queretaro, 
with  orders  from  Maximilian  to  reach  the 
88 


PEEIOD   OF   DEVELOPMENT 

Capital,  there  raise  an  army,  return  to  his 
aid,  and  inaugurate  a  counter-siege.  Mar- 
quez  is  h  man  of  coarse  antecedents  and  cruel 
nature,  but  a  bold  and  intelligent  soldier.  He 
reached  the  Capital,  and  in  a  few  days  organ- 
ized an  army  of  5,000  men  and  a  large  con- 
tingent of  artillery.  Marquez  has  been  much 
criticised  for  his  conduct  on  this  occasion. 
It  has  been  maintained  that  his  duty  as  a  sol- 
dier was  to  start  at  once  for  Queretaro  to  aid 
his  sovereign,  as  he  had  been  ordered  to  do. 
But  Marquez  was  not  merely  a  soldier:  he 
was  also  a  general,  and  he  thought  that  the 
forces  he  had  raised  were  not  sufficient  for 
the  business  in  hand,  and,  furthermore,  that 
there  was  in  Puebla  plenty  of  war  material ; 
that  the  continuous  advance  of  Porfirio  Diaz, 
his  military  genius,  his  dash  and  drive,  as- 
sured his  triumph  over  the  besieged;  that 
Diaz  would  then  strengthen  his  army  by  the 
war  material  which  Puebla  would  furnish; 
that  he  would  march  with  all  speed  upon  the 
city  of  Mexico,  which  he  would  find  ungar- 
89 


PORFIKIO   DIAZ 

risoned ;  that  he  would  take  the  Capital  with- 
out resistance  and  proceed  afterwards  upon 
Queretaro.  Therefore  the  resourceful  Vice- 
roy decided  with  much  prudence  and  faultless 
military  judgment,  to  fall  upon  the  forces  of 
Diaz,  which  were  decimated  and  worn  out  by 
daily  combats,  defeat  them,  and  force  them 
to  give  up  the  siege,  increase  his  army  in 
Puebla,  and  then  hasten  to  the  aid  of  Quere- 
taro, with  a  great  army,  at  the  same  time 
leaving  his  rear  covered.  Consequently, 
Marquez  started  for  Puebla,  and  the  news 
struck  consternation  into  the  hearts  of  the 
principal  Eepublican  leaders. 

General  Diaz  called  a  council  of  war  to 
decide  what  should  be  done.  Several  officers 
were  of  the  opinion  that  it  would  be  better 
to  retreat  than  to  expose  the  army  to  certain 
defeat.  Others  wished  to  go  out  to  meet 
Marquez,  and,  if  they  defeated  him,  to  return 
to  Puebla.  Justo  Benitez,  General  Diaz's 
secretary,  made  it  evident  that  retreat  would 
be  worse  than  a  defeat,  because  it  would  de- 
90 


PEEIOD   OF   DEVELOPMENT 

moralize  their  forces,  and  make  it  necessary 
to  again  reorganize  them ;  that  to  go  out  to 
fight  Marquez  would  be  pure  rashness,  be- 
cause in  an  open  field  the  superiority  would 
lie  entirely  with  the  Viceroy;  therefore  the 
only  remaining  recourse  was  to  stake  all 
upon  the  immediate  assault  of  Puebla,  be- 
fore the  arrival  of  Marquez ;  that  if  the  city 
fell,  as  was  to  be  expected,  they  might  then 
march  out  to  engage  Marquez  in  the  open; 
if,  on  the  other  hand,  they  did  not  take 
Puebla,  there  would  still  be  time  to  gain  the 
mountains.  These  ideas  of  Justo  Benitez 
really  emanated  from  General  Diaz.  Beni- 
tez was  merely  the  expounder  of  the  care- 
fully matured  plan  of  the  brave  General./ 

The  plan  was  adopted  and  the  necessary 
preparations  for  the  attack  were  made  at 
once  and  with  the  greatest  secrecy,  for  it 
was  considered  better  that  the  troops  should 
not  know  what  was  to  take  place,  until  the 
moment  for  action  arrived.  A  feint  at  break- 
ing camp  was  made,  the  baggage  being  moved 
91 


POBFIRIO   DIAZ 

to  the  rear  of  San  Juan  Hill,  and  measures 
to  secure  the  retreat  were  ordered.  It  must 
have  been  about  twelve  o'clock  at  night,  on 
April  1st,  when  General  Ignacio  Alatorre, 
commander  of  the  First  Division  of  Infan- 
try, by  an  arrangement  of  General  Diaz, 
ordered  the  maneuvering  for  the  assault. 
Thirteen  columns  were  formed.  At  three 
o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  2d,  there  arose 
upon  San  Juan  Hill  the  flames  of  an  enor- 
mous bonfire.  This  was  the  signal  for  the 
attack.  The  commanders  of  the  thirteen  col- 
umns threw  themselves  with  the  courage  of 
desperation  upon  the  entrenchments  of  the 
enemy,  and  in  the  darkness  performed  the 
most  sublime  acts  of  heroism  which  our  his- 
torians have  ever  recorded. 

When  day  broke,  the  streets  were  strewn 
with  corpses,  and  among  the  dead  were  sev- 
eral officers  of  the  attacking  columns;  the 
trenches  were  deserted,  the  enemy  van- 
quished, and  the  forces  of  the  Eepublicans 
were  converging  upon  the  principal  square 
92 


PERIOD   OF   DEVELOPMENT 

of  Puebla,  cheering  the  leader  of  the  Army 
of  the  East,  acclaiming  him  the  reigning  hero 
of  that  superb  day,  without  equal  in  the  an- 
nals of  our  history. 

Diaz  did  not  lose  an  instant.  The  forts 
"  Guadalupe "  and  "  Loretto,"  which  com- 
manded the  city,  still  remained  in  the  hands 
of  the  enemy.  It  was  necessary  to  capture 
them  forthwith  before  the  arrival  of  Mar- 
quez.  "Loreto"  surrendered  on  the  night 
of  the  3d,  and  a  few  hours  later  "  Guada- 
lupe "  capitulated  unconditionally. 

On  the  3d,  Diaz  had  given  orders  that  the 
cavalry  should  be  kept  on  the  march,  watch- 
ing for  Marquez.  General  Diaz  now  rapidly 
reorganized  his  army,  incorporating  in  it  the 
soldiers  whom  he  had  just  conquered,  a  very 
common  practice  in  Mexico;  he  then  moved 
forward  in  the  direction  of  Apizaco,  to  meet 
the  Imperialist  General,  who  was  closely  fol- 
lowed by  General  Guadarrama,  with  the 
4,000  dragoons  sent  by  General  Escobedo 
from  Queretaro ;  this  saved  the  situation ;  for 
93 


POEFIEIO   DIAZ 

even  with  the  addition  of  the  forces  which 
General  Diaz  had  recruited  from  Puebla, 
his  numbers  were  inferior  to  those  of  Mar- 
quez. 

Diaz  ordered  Colonel  Lalanne  to  engage 
Marquez  from  the  front  until  he  himself 
should  come  up  and  be  able  to  act  in  conjunc- 
tion with  Guadarrama.  Lalanne,  who  is  to- 
day almost  forgotten,  though  he  deserves  an 
epic  poem,  fought  with  the  utmost  heroism; 
was  repeatedly  routed,  but  as  frequently  re- 
formed and  continued  the  struggle,  not  with 
any  hope  of  winning,  but  simply  to  carry  out 
orders.  Marquez  continued  to  advance  until 
he  reached  the  ranch  of  San  Pedro  Notario, 
where  some  squadrons  of  cavalry  from  the 
Valley  of  Mexico  opposed  him.  The  after- 
noon of  the  8th  closed  with  Marquez  at  the 
ranch  of  San  Lorenzo,  where  General  Diaz 
attacked  him  on  the  9th,  but,  unfortunately, 
a  terrible  storm  prevented  him  from  follow- 
ing up  his  victory.  Marquez  took  advantage 
of  the  darkness  to  fall  back,  but  the  retreat 
94 


PEEIOD   OF   DEVELOPMENT 

soon  degenerated  into  a  rout,  as  the  Repub- 
lican  cavalry  followed  him  up  indefatigably 
from  San  Cristobal  to  Texcoco.  The  Im- 
perialists, however,  fought  bravely  and  fell 
without  asking  quarter.  Marquez  immedi- 
ately took  refuge  in  the  city  of  Mexico,  and 
on  April  12th  General  Diaz  laid  siege  to  the 
place.  On  June  20th,  the  Capital  surren- 
dered, at  the  moment  when  the  Republican 
columns  were  preparing  for  the  attack,  twen- 
ty four  hours  after  the  execution  of  Max- 
imilian, Miramon,  and  Mejia,  in  Queretaro, 
which  had  been  in  the  possession  of  General 
Escobedo  since  May  15th. 

Such  is  the  history  of  the  glorious  cam- 
paign which  placed  General  Diaz  on  the  very 
pinnacle  of  fame.  It  might  be  said  of  the 
young  commander  that  from  the  day  he  es- 
caped from  Puebla  to  that  on  which  he  took 
possession  of  the  Capital,  his  country's 
boundaries  were  extended  at  every  step  of 
his  horse,  to  paraphrase  the  words  of  Fernan- 
dez Gonzalez  regarding  the  Cid  Compeador. 
95 


POEFIEIO   DIAZ 

Whatever  envy  and  party  hatred  may  say 
to  the  contrary,  this  campaign  was  a  great 
one,  and  the  assault  of  Puebla  on  April  2d 
was  sublime.  It  may  not  have  been  in  ac- 
cordance with  military  science,  but  it  cer- 
tainly exemplified  to  the  highest  degree  the 
art  of  war,  and  it  was  not  science  that  won 
the  victory,  but  courage.  Furthermore,  in 
spite  of  all  assertions  to  the  contrary,  this 
really  was  the  decisive  action  of  the  whole 
campaign;  for  if  General  Diaz  had  been  de- 
feated, or  if  he  had  retreated,  Marquez  would 
have  brought  aid  to  Queretaro,  and  the  war 
would  have  been  prolonged  indefinitely.  I  do 
not  believe  that  the  cause  of  the  Empire 
would  ever  have  triumphed,  but  its  existence 
would  have  been  prolonged,  and  the  anxiety 
and  drain  upon  the  vital  energies  of  the 
country  would  have  continued.  This  was 
the  culminating  act  of  heroism  of  the  honest 
Oaxacan,  and  it  demonstrated  clearly  his  ex- 
traordinary energy,  resourcefulness,  persist- 
ence, bravery,  and  disinterestedness. 
96 


PEEIOD   OF   DEVELOPMENT 

On  June  22d,  the  day  after  the  occupation 
of  the  Capital,  Diaz  sent  a  communication  to 
the  Minister  of  War,  placing  the  city  at  his 
disposition,  and  stating  that,  as  he  no  longer 
considered  it  necessary  to  retain  the  plenary 
powers  with  which  he  had  been  invested,  he 
tendered  his  resignation  from  the  office  of 
General  in  Chief  of  the  Army  of  the  East. 
General  Diaz  paid  over  to  the  government 
$315,000,  which  remained  in  the  treasury  of 
the  army  after  all  expenses  had  been  paid; 
an  example  of  honorable  dealing  unparalleled 
in  Mexico  up  to  that  time,  and  a  proof  of  the 
ability  he  had  shown  in  raising  and  disburs- 
ing the  funds. 

General  Diaz  retired  alone  to  a  small  coun- 
try estate  called  "  La  Noria,"  in  the  State  of 
Oaxaca,  which  had  been  presented  to  him  by 
his  countrymen.  It  was  at  this  time  that  he 
received  the  title  of  Cincinnatus.  "Little 
remains  to  the  greatest  of  men  if  virtue  for- 
sakes them,"  says  Plutarch.  Porfirio  Diaz, 
as  soldier,  administrator,  and  citizen,  and  as 
97 


PORFIBIO   DIAZ 

a  private  individual,  united  all  the  requisites 
demanded  by  the  Eoman  historian  for  the 
full  measure  of  a  hero.  In  modestly  with- 
drawing into  seclusion,  he  stood  out  in  relief 
all  the  more. 


CHAPTER   V 

DIAZ  AS  A  REVOLUTIONARY  LEADER 

GENERAL  DIAZ'S  character,  the  re- 
nown which  he  had  acquired  as  a 
brave,  loyal,  and  intelligent  soldier; 
the  modesty  which  he  showed  after  the  tri- 
umph of  the  Republic  over  the  Empire;  his 
proverbial  honesty  and  consummate  skill  in 
administering  the  government  of  the  Eastern 
states,  entrusted  to  him  by  President  Juarez 
during  the  long  campaign  through  which 
they  were  under  his  exclusive  control;  the 
popularity  which  his  generous  conduct  had 
won  for  him,  his  youth,  his  political  princi- 
ples, his  patriotism,  his  prudence  and  energy, 
all  combined  to  make  him  the  natural  head  of 
the  party,  which  I  will  call  "Progressive." 
Around  him  were  grouped  the  younger  and 
more  ambitious  men,  the  impatient  Liberals, 
the  soldiers  who  had  served  under  him,  both 
99 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

the  professional  Revolutionaries  and  those 
who  in  good  faith  desired  active  progress,  and 
even  many  Imperialists,  who  could  not  brook 
Juarez.  They  formed  a  heterogeneous  party, 
as  far  as  the  number  of  its  groups  was  con- 
cerned, but  a  homogeneous  one,  in  the  com- 
mon aspirations  which  it  saw  personified  in 
the  person  of  its  leader. 

When  the  first  general  elections  took  place, 
after  the  restoration  of  the  Republic,  the 
Liberal  party  was  already  divided  into  three 
groups,  made  up  of  the  personal  followers  of 
Juarez,  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  and  Porfirio  Diaz. 
Beyond  a  doubt,  all  the  prominent  men  in 
these  groups  believed  that  patriotism  de- 
manded the  reelection  of  Juarez,  in  order  to 
give  him,  by  this  action,  a  vote  of  thanks,  and 
to  show  their  appreciation  of  his  devoted 
labors  in  the  defense  of  the  country  and  its 
institutions.  But  apparently  they  considered 
that  their  moral  obligation  ended  there ;  for, 
immediately  after  his  reelection,  their  polit- 
ical passions  broke  forth  in  Congress,  in  the 
100 


A  EEVOLUTIONAEY  LEADEE 

press,  and  in  public  utterance,  making  deeper 
than  ever  the  division  between  the  before- 
mentioned  groups,  which  now  began  to  take 
on  the  nature  of  separate  organizations. 

The  group  under  Juarez  became  conserva- 
tive in  the  literal  sense  of  the  term ;  that  is, 
its  members  put  forth  all  their  energies  to 
maintain  the  new  order  of  things  unchanged 
and  to  see  that  the  existing  system  was 
perpetuated  with  Juarez  permanently  in 
power. 

Lerdo  de  Tejada's  group  decided  upon 
evolution,  believing  in  the  existing  order  as 
a  basis,  but  holding  the  opinion  that  it  must 
be  amplified,  and,  above  all,  that  the  power 
should  change  hands  and  an  entirely  new 
administration  be  elected.  This  group,  how- 
ever, conspired  in  a  manner  more  or  less 
covert. 

The   group   under   Diaz  was   radical.    It 

wished  to   change   everything,   and  became 

known   as    "  The   Party   of   Eegeneration." 

Naturally,  it  was  the  most  active,  the  most 

101 


POEFIEIO   DIAZ 

impatient,  the  most  fiery  of  the  three,  and 
ended  by  becoming  revolutionary. 

In  1871,  the  time  for  the  next  elections, 
the  three  parties  threw  themselves  into  the 
struggle  with  determination,  each  one  put- 
ting forth  a  perfectly  definite  programme. 
Juarez  won,  but  did  not  obtain  an  absolute 
majority  at  the  polls. 

Lerdo  de  Tejada  used  all  his  diplomacy  to 
convince  Juarez  that  it  was  his  duty,  in  the 
interest  of  public  tranquillity,  to  resign  the 
presidency  before  Congress  assembled  as 
the  Electoral  College,  to  decide  in  the  last 
appeal  which  candidate  should  be  proclaimed 
elected.1 

Juarez  answered  him  with  firmness  that 
the  law  and  his  duty  prohibited  such  a  step, 

1  In  Mexico,  the  election  of  a  president  is  indirect  and  of  the 
second  grade.  In  the  first  grade,  the  citizens  choose  electors; 
in  the  second  grade,  the  electors  constituting  the  Electoral 
College  of  each  district  vote  for  their  candidate.  In  due 
time,  Congress  makes  a  count  of  the  votes  cast  in  all  parts  of 
the  country  and  declares  elected  president  the  candidate  who 
has  obtained  an  absolute  majority,  that  is,  more  than  half 
of  the  total  number  of  electoral  votes. 

If  no  candidate  has  received  an  absolute  majority,  Con- 

102 


A   EEVOLUTIONAEY   LEADER 

and  that,  if  Congress  proclaimed  him  pres- 
iden^,  he  would  maintain  the  office  with  reso- 
iluteness  and  honor  as  long  as  life  remained, 
respecting  in  this  juncture,  as  he  always  had, 
the  public  wish,  expressed  through  legitimate 
channels.  Lerdo  de  Tejada  abandoned  diplo- 
macy and  plotted  in  Congress. 

The  Dfaz  party  did  not  wish  to  await  the 
result  of  the  vote  in  Congress,  for  they  had 
discounted  it  in  advance,  and  decided  that,  in 
view  of  the  wire-pulling  that  would  be  done, 
they  possessed  neither  the  numbers  nor  the 
political  experience  necessary  for  victory  in 
a  struggle  of  this  kind.  Therefore  they 
started,  on  October  1,  1871,  the  ill-advised 
revolution  of  "La  Ciudadela"  (the  citadel 
of  the  city  of  Mexico),  which  was  instantly 
crushed  by  Juarez. 

This  revolution,  suppressed  in  blood  by 
General  Eocha,  the  state  of  excitement,  the 

gress  then  makes  an  election  (of  the  third  grade)  by  vote  of 
an  absolute  majority  of  the  Deputies  present,  but  their  choice 
Is  restricted  to  those  candidates  who  have  obtained  the  largest 
number  of  votes  in  the  elections  by  districts. 

s  103 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

urgent  appeals  of  the  Diaz  party,  and  the 
obligations  already  entered  into  by  General 
Diaz  with  his  partisans,  forced  him  to  emerge 
from  retirement,  and  assume  the  role  of 
leader.  Diaz  made  public,  on  November 
10th,  the  "  Plan  de  la  Noria,"  in  which  he 
maintained  that  a  call  to  arms  was  neces- 
sitated by  the  danger  to  the  national  institu- 
tions caused  by  the  repeated  reflections, 
accomplished  through  the  violent  and  un- 
lawful action  of  the  Federal  Executive;  by 
the  horrible  massacres  of  Merida,  Atexcatl, 
Tampico,  Barranca  del  Diablo,  and  La  Ciu- 
dadela;  by  the  incompetence  of  some,  the 
favoritism  of  others,  and  the  corruption  of 
all.  In  General  Diaz's  Revolutionary  procla- 
mation, the  reelection  of  a  president  was 
absolutely  forbidden  and  other  reforms  to 
the  Constitution  were  proposed. 

All  revolutionary  proclamations   are  ex- 
aggerated.   This  must  of  necessity  be  so  from 
their  very  nature;  they  are  conceived  and 
brought  forth  by  unrestrained  passions,  when 
104 


A   REVOLUTIONARY   LEADER 

the  minds  of  their  authors  have  reached  the 
highest  point  of  excitement,  and  the  public 
is  carried  away  by  extremes  of  opinion.  It 
follows,  therefore,  that  such  plans,  although 
put  forth  in  the  utmost  good  faith,  exagger- 
ate the  defects  of  the  Government  which  they 
are  designed  to  overthrow,  and  make  it  ap- 
pear an  insupportable  disgrace  for  the  coun- 
try to  tolerate,  without  taking  into  account 
the  difficulties  which  these  very  Revolution- 
aries themselves  have  created  in  the  time  of 
conspiracy  which  always  precedes  revolu- 
tion. This  state  of  affairs  makes  the  acts  of 
the  Government,  which  are  prompted  merely 
by  the  instinct  of  self-preservation,  seem  vio- 
lent and  tyrannical,  although  they  may  be 
necessary  for  the  maintenance  of  order  or 
more  or  less  justifiable  as  acts  of  reprisal. 
The  revolutionists  also  put  into  their  pro- 
gramme of  improvement  alluring  promises, 
almost  always  impossible  of  fulfillment;  not 
with  deliberate  intention  to  deceive,  but  be- 
cause they  really  hope  to  carry  out  the  high 
105 


POBFIRIO    DIAZ 

ideals  which  an  aspiring  spirit  holds  before 
their  eyes,  thus  preventing  them  from  seeing 
the  difficulty,  nay,  even  the  impossibility  of 
carrying  out  at  all  fully  the  promises  which 
they  have  made. 

The  task  of  the  revolutionary  party  al- 
ways elicits  more  sympathy  than  that  of  the 
government.  The  former  makes  use  of  the 
eloquence  of  passion,  which  finds  a  response 
in  all  classes,  even  the  lowest ;  while  the  lat- 
ter finds  itself  confined  to  the  language  of 
reason,  which  is  only  appreciated  by  the  edu- 
cated classes. 

Moreover,  in  politics,  accusation  is  easier 
than  justification.  The  former  always  mas- 
querades under  the  guise  of  Liberty,  and 
makes  an  appeal  to  the  sentiments  of  civil 
courage  and  exalted  altruism,  or  at  least  to 
the  spirit  of  solidarity.  The  party  in  power 
always  appears  open  to  suspicion  and  tainted 
by  selfish  interests,  which  they  are  striving 
to  defend  with  cunning  and  sophistry.  A 
candidate,  as  a  revolutionary  leader,  can 
106 


A   BEVOLUTIONARY   LEADER 

make  a  boast  of  radical  and  extreme  opin- 
ions, because  he  is  without  responsibility 
and  speaks  to  a  party  whose  desires  he 
knows  and  is  willing  to  flatter.  But  such 
artifices  are  not  open  to  a  government,  be- 
cause its  responsibilities  are  fixed  and  bind- 
ing. It  must  appeal  to  the  entire  nation; 
it  is  the  representative  of  law  and  order. 

The  revolution  of  "La  Noria"  suffered 
serious  disasters  because  of  lack  of  prepara- 
tion, organization,  and  cohesion.  There  were 
too  many  leaders,  and  each  one  acted  inde- 
pendently. In  war,  nothing  is  so  prejudicial 
as  too  many  commanders. 

Upon  an  exhaustive  examination  of  the  life 
of  General  Diaz,  moreover,  it  is  evident  that 
the  favorable  outcome  of  his  projects  has 
been  entirely  due  to  his  own  individual  power 
of  accomplishment.  His  officers  have  rarely 
been  successful  when  operating  at  a  distance 
from  him.  His  presence  alone,  like  that  of 
Caesar  and  Napoleon,  was  worth  an  army; 
and,  like  Frederick  the  Great,  he  has  shown 
107 


POEFIEIO   DIAZ 

himself  so  rich  in  resources  that  he  has  as- 
tounded everyone  by  rising  from  the  deepest 
abyss  of  apparently  insurmountable  difficul- 
ties to  the  topmost  pinnacle  of  success. 

The  issue  between  the  Eevolutionary  Party 
and  the  Government  was  decided  by  the  death 
of  Juarez,  on  July  14, 1872.  Lerdo  de  Tejada, 
who  was  at  that  time  President  of  the  Su- 
preme Court,  took  upon  himself  the  office  of 
Vice-President  of  the  Eepublic,  and  thus  as- 
sumed the  inheritance  of  the  "Great  Pa- 
triot." J 

In  several  of  my  works  upon  this  period 
of  Mexican  history,  I  have  sketched  the  char- 
acter of  Don  Sebastian  Lerdo  de  Tejada.  He 
was  a  man  of  great  talent,  of  extraordinary 
learning,  possessed  of  all  the  qualities  neces- 
sary to  make  a  great  minister,  such  as  Eich- 
elieu,  Cavour,  or  Bismarck,  but  quite  lacking 
in  those  which  a  chief  executive  must  have. 
History  is  full  of  such  examples. 

*At  that  time  the  position  of  President  of  the  Supreme 
Court  carried  with  it  that  of  Vice-President  of  the  Republic. 

108 


A  EEVOLUTIONAEY  LEADEE 


In  order  that  my  readers  may  better  under- 
stand the  incidents  to  which  I  am  about  to 
refer,  I  must  here  sketch  again  the  charac- 
teristics of  this  distinguished  statesman. 
Lerdo  de  Tejada  was  a  man  who  had  been 
irritated  rather  than  disciplined  by  the  vicis- 
situdes of  life.  He  looked  at  everything  with 
skepticism,  and  always  held  the  attitude  of 
uncertainty  toward  the  outcome  of  every- 
thing. To  him,  principles  were  only  the  ar- 
tifices under  which  ambition  lurked.  He  did 
not  sympathize  with  the  aspirations  of  his 
time,  as  the  genuine  political  leader  must.  He 
gave  no  place  to  sentiment  or  ideals,  and  per- 
sistently refused  to  see  in  men  anything  but 
acts  of  self-interest,  never  theories  nor  con- 
victions. He  was  a  mixture,  strange  as  it 
may  seem,  of  persistence  and  changeable- 
ness. 

On  assuming  power,  he  committed  two 
grave  errors  through  his  failure  to  recognize 
the  significance  of  the  actual  position  of  af- 
fairs from  the  historic  and  sociological  stand- 
109 


PORFIBIO   DIAZ 

point;  he  did  not  pay  any  attention  to  the 
aspirations  of  the  nation,  and  he  failed  to 
appreciate  the  strength  of  the  Diaz  party. 
He  did  not  understand  the  value  of  General 
Diaz  as  an  ally,  nor  what  it  would  mean  to 
have  him  as  an  enemy.  He  did  not  know  how 
to  preserve,  much  less  to  augment,  his  party. 
He  made  no  approach  to  the  opposition 
party,  and  no  attempt  to  attract  it  to  his  side. 
He  persisted  in  surrounding  himself  with  the 
officers  of  the  Juarez  administration,  in  spite 
of  the  fact  that  he  considered  them  incapable, 
and  was  afraid  of  them,  even  though  he  held 
a  low  estimation  of  their  powers.  He  was  an 
eminent  logician  of  the  fatalistic  school,  a 
school  which  makes  the  irreparable  mistake 
of  ignoring  the  logic  of  facts ;  and,  most  seri- 
ous of  all,  he  failed  to  understand  that  in 
politics  conditions  are  more  dangerous  than 
doctrines,  because  they  are  possessed  of  a 
more  irresistible  logic. 

Lerdo  was  like  Juarez,  in  that  he  was  a 
most  vigorous  advocate  of  civil  adrninistra- 
110 


A   REVOLUTIONARY   LEADER 

tion  as  opposed  to  militarism.  But  Juarez, 
a  better  judge  of  men  and  things,  and  of  the 
tendencies  of  the  times,  instead  of  opposing 
directly  and  openly  the  military  faction,  drew 
it  to  him,  and  controlled  it.  Thus  it  hap- 
pened that  he  numbered  among  his  most  de- 
voted followers  such  leaders  as  Ignacio 
Mejia,  Rocha,  Alatorre,  Ceballos,  Alejandro 
Garcia,  and  others.  Lerdo,  less  practical,  did 
not  understand  how  to  hide  his  aversions, 
and  soon  found  himself  without  a  single 
leader  identified  with  him.  It  is  true  that 
some  men  served  him  loyally,  but  Juarez  was 
served  with  enthusiasm  as  well  as  loyalty. 

When  Lerdo  came  into  power,  through  the 
death  of  Juarez,  he  of  necessity  accepted  a 
double  mission:  first,  to  allay  the  nation's 
irritation,  and  quench  the  smoking  torches  of 
revolution ;  second,  to  guide  the  country  into 
the  paths  of  progress,  and  to  develop  its 
riches.  I  thought  for  a  considerable  time 
that  the  situation  which  Lerdo  found  when 
he  became  president  was  too  great  for  his 
111 


POKFIRIO   DIAZ 

powers,  and  that  the  Government  was  more 
despotic  than  he  himself  wished  it  to  be.  But 
I  was  mistaken.  The  situation  was  simply 
this:  his  peculiar  traits  of  character  made 
him  unfitted  to  govern. 

Lerdo  inaugurated  his  administration  by 
proclaiming  amnesty  to  the  Eevolutionarists, 
who  thought  that  patriotism  impelled  them  to 
lay  down  their  arms.  General  Diaz  himself 
accepted  this  amnesty  as  a  sacrifice  to  his 
country's  welfare.  Lerdo  thought  this  act 
conclusive,  and  eliminated  the  Diaz  party  as 
a  factor  in  his  political  problem,  instead  of 
regarding  it  as  an  important  element.  Jua- 
rez could  not  bring  about  peace  for  reasons 
which  I  have  fully  explained  in  my  book, 
dedicated  to  "  The  Great  Republican,"  *  but 
Lerdo  might  soon  have  done  so,  if  he  had 
conciliated  the  opposing  groups  of  Liberals. 

"When  the  presidential  elections  took  place, 
Lerdo  was  the  only  candidate,  and  won  an 

Principally  because  we  Porfirists,  with  our  continual 
revolutions,  would  not  permit  him  to  do  so. 

112 


A   BEVOLUTIONABY   LEADEB 

easy  victory.  Even  the  Eeactionaries  voted 
for  him,  though  they  acted  upon  a  vain  hope, 
as  the  future  showed.  Thus  it  was  that  Ler- 
do,  elevated  to  the  presidency  by  the  death  of 
Juarez,  and  confirmed  in  that  position  by  the 
popular  vote,  found  himself  without  enemies ; 
the  Juarez  party,  having  lost  its  leader,  had 
no  further  reason  for  existence ;  force  of  cir- 
cumstances obliged  them  to  dissolve,  and  its 
scattered  members  were  under  the  necessity 
of  making  new  party  affiliations  or  raising  a 
new  standard.  But  Lerdo  committed  the 
blunder  of  retaining  to  a  man  the  ministers 
of  Juarez's  cabinet. 

The  Lerdist  party  took  their  leader's  tri- 
umph for  their  own,  and  were  disposed  to 
make  liberal  concessions  to  the  Porfirists  * 
and  to  take  in  the  orphaned  Juarists,  in  order 
to  strengthen  themselves  and  become  a  na- 

lThe  Dfaz  party  is  called  in  Mexico  the  Porfirist  party, 
but  I  have  more  frequently  used  the  former  phrase,  because  it 
more  nearly  conforms  to  Anglo-Saxon  usage.  It  is  more 
convenient,  however,  to  use  "  Porfirist "  when  referring  to 
individuals,  as  "  Dfazist "  would  be  an  impossible  word. 

113 


PORFIRIO    DIAZ 

tional  party;  but  Lerdo  soon  gave  them  to 
understand  that  it  was  one  thing  to  be  a  can- 
didate and  another  thing  to  be  a  president. 
He  made  it  evident  that  he  was  going  to  have 
his  own  way,  because  he  considered  the  vic- 
tory his,  and  in  no  sense  due  to  the  efforts 
of  his  partisans. 

The  Diaz  party,  in  spite  of  the  impatience 
which  characterized  it,  was  disposed  to  bide 
its  time,  and  support  Lerdo  in  his  undertak- 
ing, on  the  assumption  that  he  was  patriotic, 
progressive,  and  honorable,  and,  therefore, 
would  not  put  forth  any  pretensions  to  a  re- 
election when  the  next  term  came  round. 
But  Lerdo  undervalued  his  supporters,  in- 
dividually and  collectively,  and  gave  them  no 
share  in  his  administration;  yet,  when  the 
time  for  election  again  approached,  he  put 
himself  forward  as  a  candidate. 

The  Eeactionary  Party  and  the  Imperial- 
ists had  remained  without  leaders  and  with- 
out a  platform;  many  of  them  were  buried 
in  Queretaro,  under  the  ruins  of  the  Empire. 
114 


A   REVOLUTIONARY   LEADER 

They  thought  that  Lerdo  would  accept  them 
as  one  of  the  national  contingents,  and  as  a 
counterpoise  to  Jacobinism;  but  Lerdo  re- 
pulsed them,  and  showed  himself  more  of  a 
reformer  than  Juarez  himself,  thus  blotting 
out  every  shadow  of  hope  for  the  Reaction- 
aries, and  giving  the  vestiges  of  the  Imperi* 
alist  party  to  understand  that  there  was  no 
possible  chance  of  their  again  coming  into 
power.  It  is  asserted  that  Lerdo  had  no 
thought  of  reelection ;  that  this  was  suggested 
by  his  friends,  and  that  he  let  them  have  their 
way.  The  most  fatal  of  all  policies  is  that  of 
laissez  faire,  for  it  is  usually  taken  to  mean 
that  the  leader  does  not  know  his  own  mind. 

Lerdo,  at  the  beginning  of  his  term,  as  has 
already  been  said,  did  not  have  a  single  op- 
ponent; at  the  end  he  did  not  have  a  single 
follower;  he  was  not  even  himself  his  own 
partisan.  It  is  certainly  a  fact  that  as  pres- 
ident he  was  his  own  worst  enemy. 

The  Diaz  party,  disgusted  by  the  tactless 
conduct  of  Lerdo,  and  cognizant  of  the  stren- 
115 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

uous  efforts  that  his  party  was  making  for 
his  reelection,  decided  again  to  take  up  arms, 
and  on  January  5,  1876,  in  the  town  of  0 jit- 
Ian,  district  of  Tuxtepec,  and  State  of  Oax- 
aca,  the  "  Plan  of  Tuxtepec  "  ( Revolutionary 
Declaration)  was  proclaimed  by  Colonel 
H.  Sarmiento  and  his  associates,  disavowing 
Lerdo  de  Tejada  as  president,  and,  conse- 
quently, all  the  officers  of  his  administration. 
This  plan  was  seconded  on  the  21st  by  Gen- 
erals Fidencio  Hernandez  and  Juan  N.  Ra- 
mirez, and  by  the  district  of  Ixtlan,  also  of 
the  State  of  Oaxaca,  and  soon  the  Revolution 
had  spread  over  the  whole  country.  Lerdo 
resisted  in  his  usual  half-hearted  manner, 
and  his  troops  fought  without  enthusiasm. 

In  spite  of  the  disturbed  state  of  the  coun- 
try, a  pretended  election  was  held — which 
deceived  no  one — and  Lerdo  was  declared 
elected.  Following  his  usual  custom,  Lerdo 
let  things  take  their  course.  At  the  eleventh 
hour,  he  wished  to  retrace  his  steps.  He 
separated  himself  from  the  Juarez  party, 
116 


A   EEVOLUTIONAEY   LEADER 

and  endeavored  to  resurrect  the  Lerdist  par- 
ty, pure  and  simple.  He  changed  his  cab- 
inet, but  not  his  methods.  This  cabinet  was 
derisively  called  the  "  Carmelite  Brother- 
hood," because  all  that  it  could  do  was  tor 
comfort  the  President  during  the  last  days 
of  his  expiring  term. 

Jose  Maria  Iglesias,  at  that  time  President 
of  the  Supreme  Court,  and,  therefore,  also* 
Vice-President  of  the  Eepublic,  did  with 
Lerdo  what  Lerdo  had  done  with  Juarez. 
He  foresaw  clearly  the  approaching  down- 
fall of  President  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  either 
through  the  Eevolution  against  him,  or 
through  the  expiration  of  his  legal  term  of 
office,  on  December  1,  1876. 

It  was  a  notorious  fact  that  there  had  been 
no  legal  election,  and  that  the  pretended  re- 
election of  Lerdo  was  therefore  farcical.  Not 
even  the  officers  who  were  fighting  for  him  in 
the  field  took  it  seriously.  Among  them  the 
prevailing  opinion  was  that  their  allegiance 
to  President  Lerdo  terminated  at  one  minute 
117 


POEFIEIO   DlAZ 

past  twelve  on  December  1st,  and  on  this  ac- 
count they  were  called  "  The  Decemberists." 
Meanwhile  the  Kevolution  gained  ground, 
and  finally,  on  November  15th,  a  decisive  bat- 
tle took  place  on  the  field  of  Tecoac  between 
the  Eevolutionaries,  under  the  command  of 
General  Diaz,  and  the  Lerdists,  under  General 
Ignacio  Alatorre.  Diaz  won,  and  the  war  was 
virtually  at  an  end. 

Iglesias  had  been  mistaken.  He  thought 
that  the  question  at  stake  was  between  him 
and  Lerdo,  and  that  the  latter,  in  making  a 
coup  d'etat,  and  claiming  reelection,  when 
it  was  notorious  that  there  had  been  no  vot- 
ing at  the  polls,  had  put  himself  in  the  same 
position  as  Comonfort;  that  in  consequence 
Iglesias  himself  would  play  the  part  which 
Juarez  had  played  during  the  so-called 
"  Three  Years'  War."  But  he  did  not  real- 
ize that  the  circumstances  were  not  the  same ; 
that  he  had  neither  the  power  nor  the  repu- 
tation of  Juarez,  "  the  Eef ormer  " ;  that  pub- 
118 


A  REVOLUTIONARY  LEADER 

lie  sympathy  was  with  General  Diaz;  that 
his  own  party  was  principally  composed  of 
estimable  yonths  and  lawyers,  who  were  very 
talented,  it  is  true,  but  consummate  idealists, 
little  fitted  for  practical  action,  and  quite 
without  followers. 

Iglesias  abandoned  the  Capital,  fearful 
that  Lerdo  would  imprison  him,  and  thus  in- 
capacitate him  from  taking  up  the  executive 
power.  He  set  up  a  migratory  government ; 
that  is,  one  which  changed  its  location  every 
time  danger  threatened.  He  thought  that  he 
could  restrain  the  victorious  Eevolutionaries 
by  merely  invoking  the  Constitution ;  that  the 
men  who  had  fought  so  many  years  to  gain 
possession  of  the  Government  would  again 
temporarily  relinquish  it,  and  recognize  the 
rights  of  Iglesias,  which  were  founded  on  an 
order  which  had  just  been  overthrown.  He 
ignored  the  fact  that  a  constitutional  revolu- 
tion is  an  impossibility ;  that  the  moment  a 
revolution  is  started,  even  though  it  be  with 
the  object  of  again  putting  the  Constitution 
9  119 


PORFIBIO   DIAZ 

into  force,  it  is,  by  the  mere  use  of  arms, 
placed  outside  the  Constitution.  In  my  judg- 
ment, Iglesias's  recourse  to  arms  to  over- 
throw Lerdo,  invoking  a  law,  which  had  not 
yet  been  infringed,  put  him  into  the  category 
of  a  Eevolutionist,  just  as  much  as  General 
Diaz,  who  was  fighting  in  the  field  to  pre- 
vent the  accomplishment  of  Lerdo's  design; 
in  other  words,  his  standing  before  the 
Constitution  had  been  invalidated  by  his 
own  act. 

I  do  not  deny  that  Iglesias  was  acting  in 
good  faith  and  without  personal  ambition. 
He  wished  to  constitutionalize  the  Eevo- 
lution. 

If  Iglesias  had  remained  President  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  accepting  all  its  conse- 
quences as  Juarez  did,  if  he  had  from  this 
position  protested  against  the  decree  which 
declared  Lerdo  reflected,  and  if,  when  Lerdo 
fled  from  the  Capital,  he  had  remained  there, 
taken  up  the  executive  power,  and  in  this 
character  met  the  Eevolution  as  it  invaded 
120 


A   REVOLUTIONARY   LEADER 

the  Capital,  his  position  would  unquestion- 
ably have  been  impressive,  strong,  and  com- 
pelling; and  then,  perhaps,  the  Diaz  Revo- 
lutionists would  have  had  to  go  over  to  him, 
uniting  in  one  the  two  causes,  and  appeal- 
ing to  the  public  to  solve  the  problem  by 
its  vote. 

But  this  was  not  what  happened.  Lerdo 
fled,  Iglesias  moved  his  position,  and  Gen-  \s 
eral  Diaz  entered  the  Capital  with  the  laurels 
of  victory,  organized  a  provisional  Govern- 
ment, and  again  took  the  field  to  fight  the 
Lerdist  and  Iglesias  parties,  and  thus  com- 
plete his  work.  He  established  a  Government 
in  fact.  The  force  which  sustained  Iglesias 
went  over  with  arms  and  baggage  to  General 
Diaz  or  disbanded.  Lerdo  sailed  for  New 
York  by  way  of  Panama,  and  Iglesias  sailed 
for  New  Orleans  en  route  for  San  Francisco. 
Both  then  conspired  from  without,  Lerdo  for 
restoration,  Iglesias  for  legalization,  appar- 
ently without  comprehending  that,  if  they 
gave  up  while  they  were  in  the  country,  with 
121 


POKFIBIO   DIAZ 

considerable  resources  at  their  command, 
their  undertakings  from  without,  bereft  of 
resources,  was  ridiculous. 

General  Diaz  held  elections ;  the  public  rat- 
ified the  Eevolution,  and  elected  its  leader 
Chief  Magistrate  of  the  Eepublic.  Lerdo, 
in  virtue  of  his  skepticism,  lived  and  died  in 
exile.  Iglesias  returned  to  his  country,  say- 
ing, to  quote  his  own  words,  "  Grief  over  pub- 
lic affairs,  homesickness  in  exile,  and  circum- 
stances entirely  personal,  made  my  residence 
out  of  the  country  a  veritable  sacrifice." 
With  this  statement  he  justified  his  return. 
It  is  true  enough  that  his  ostracism  was  self- 
imposed  and  without  adequate  reason,  and  I 
am  the  last  person  to  deny  him  the  judgment 
which  he  asks  of  impartial  history  in  the 
following  words :  "  Without  ambitions  of  any 
kind,  he  sacrificed  all  to  the  fulfillment  of 
Duty."  Under  these  circumstances,  the  only 
question  for  the  historian  to  discuss  is 
whether  Iglesias  chose  the  best  method  of 
fulfilling  his  duty. 

122 


A   EEVOLUTIONAEY   LEADER 

To  whom  was  the  triumph  of  the  Revolu- 
tion due?  It  is  difficult  to  give  a  categorical 
reply  to  such  a  question ;  but  I  honestly  think 
it  was  due  rather  to  the  stupidity  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, the  skepticism  of  Lerdo,  and  the 
lack  of  confidence  of  the  army,  than  to  the 
political  and  military  skill  of  General  Diaz 
and  the  efforts  of  his  followers. 

It  is  said  that  General  Mejia,  Juarez's 
Minister  of  War,  whom  Lerdo  had  retained, 
betrayed  the  President.  I  have  never  en- 
tertained this  belief;  Mejia  acted  in  this  in- 
stance with  his  usual  lack  of  perception,  that 
is  all.  Although  Mejia  was  a  general,  he  was 
not  a  soldier ;  he  never  had  the  true  military 
spirit,  and  he  did  not  accomplish  a  single 
thing  of  real  value,  but  he  was  never  dis- 
loyal. He  was  one  of  the  great  number  of 
men  who  were  thrust  into  high  positions,  no- 
body knows  why,  and  retained  there  through 
a  sort  of  tacit  acquiescence  on  the  part  of  the 
people.  In  my  opinion,  Mejia  was  elevated 
to  this  position  simply  because  he  was  an 
123 


PORFIBIO   DIAZ 


Oaxacan,  and  an  old  friend  of  President 
Juarez.  Some  people  say  that  when  the 
Revolution  broke  out  Mejia  drew  up  an  ade- 
quate plan,  which  was  rejected  by  Lerdo, 
and  that  from  that  time  on  the  Minister  of 
War  determined  to  give  up  completely  his 
own  initiative  and  to  follow  the  orders  of  the 
President. 

The  forces  of  the  Government,  although 
they  always  fought  without  confidence  or  en- 
thusiasm, inflicted  frequent  and  severe  de- 
feats upon  the  Diaz  forces,  without  under- 
standing how  to  reap  from  these  triumphs 
all  the  advantage  possible,  or  even  wishing 
to  do  so. 

As  a  Eevolutionary  leader,  General  Diaz 
made  serious  mistakes.  The  first  he  made 
at  the  time  of  the  uprising  against  Juarez, 
by  starting  revolution  in  the  South,  when  the 
great  majority  of  his  backing  was  located  in 
the  North ;  the  second  he  made  at  the  time  of 
the  uprising  against  Lerdo,  by  going  to  the 
North  to  head  the  Eevolutionists,  when  the 
124 


A   REVOLUTIONARY   LEADER 

strength  of  his  resources  lay  in  the  South; 
that  is  to  say,  in  Oaxaca,  Puebla,  and  Vera 
Cruz. 

After  being  overthrown  in  Icamole,  Gen- 
eral Diaz  fled  to  the  United  States,  and  from 
New  Orleans  went  to  Vera  Cruz  in  the  steamer 
"City  of  Havana,"  disguised  as  a  Cuban 
physician.  At  Tampico  a  battalion  of  in- 
fantry was  taken  on  board,  and  General  Diaz 
thought  that  his  incognito  had  become  known 
and  that  he  was  lost.  General  Diaz  threw 
himself  into  the  sea,  trusting  in  his  skill  as  a 
swimmer  to  reach  the  shore.  This  he  never 
would  have  succeeded  in  doing,  because  his 
strength  had  been  much  broken  by  an  illness, 
from  which  he  was  still  suffering.  Fortu- 
nately he  was  noticed  as  he  threw  himself 
overboard,  and  a  boat  was  launched,  which 
undoubtedly  saved  him  from  certain  death. 
The  purser  of  the  steamer  "Alphonso  K. 
Coney"  hid  the  general,  and  thanks  to  his 
cleverness  and  the  aid  given  him  at  Vera  Cruz 
by  General  Juan  de  la  Luz  Enriquez,  Agustin 
125 


POEFIEIO   DIAZ 

Maraiion,  and  the  brothers  Alpuche,  owners 
of  the  lighters  which  loaded  and  unloaded  the 
American  steamers,  he  was  able  to  reach  the 
shore,  disguised  as  a  sailor,  mount  a  horse, 
and  start  by  way  of  Boca  del  Kio  for  Alva- 
rado,  whence  he  reached  Oaxaca.  When  the 
police  of  Vera  Cruz  made  a  search  for  Gen- 
eral Diaz,  he  was  already  beyond  their  reach. 

In  Oaxaca  he  organized  a  small  army,  and, 
in  the  mean  time,  succeeded  in  regaining  his 
health.  Lerdo  at  that  time  did  not  know  how 
to  make  hostilities  against  him.  With  very 
poor  equipment,  Diaz  marched  toward  the 
center  of  the  Eepublic,  and  was  met  by  Gen- 
eral Ignacio  Alatorre,  who  came  out  to  op- 
pose him  with  a  strong  division,  consisting  of 
the  three  arms. 

The  two  armies  came  in  sight  of  each  other 
on  the  ridge  of  Tecoac,  as  has  already  been 
said.  The  Government  forces  fought  with- 
out spirit;  Alatorre  showed  himself  some- 
what sluggish,  according  to  the  military  crit- 
ics ;  nevertheless,  he  would  have  defeated  the 
126 


A  EEVOLUTIONAEY,  LEADEE 

Bevolutionaries,  if  it  had  not  been  for  the 
opportune  arrival  of  General  Manuel  Gon- 
zalez, with  a  considerable  force,  which  imme- 
diately attacked  the  governmental  command- 
er with  intrepidity,  and  thus  gave  the  victory 
to  the  Eevolutionary  leader. 

The  Eevolution  found  its  principal  ally  in 
the  opposition  of  the  press,  which  completely 
robbed  the  Government  of  its  prestige,  intro- 
duced lack  of  confidence  and  depression  into 
the  ranks  of  the  army,  and  fired  the  public 
mind  against  what  we  then  called  "  the  most 
disgraceful  tyranny."  What  a  tyranny!  It 
not  only  sanctioned  liberty,  but  even  per- 
mitted license  in  the  press!  The  more  ex- 
haustively one  studies  this  period,  the  more 
he  is  confirmed  in  the  conviction  that  defeat 
was  due  not  so  much  to  the  Bevolution- 
aries  as  to  the  Government,  which  literally 
wrought  its  own  downfall. 


CHAPTEE   VI 

DIAZ    AS    PRESIDENT 
FIRST  PERIOD 

TTN  several  of  my  works  already  published, 
|  I  have  studied  the  first  period  of  Pres- 
•*•  ident  Diaz's  presidency.  I  therefore 
find  myself  obliged  to  repeat  much  of 
what  has  already  been  said  in  my  previous 
writings. 

When  General  Diaz  came  into  power,  he 
found  himself  standing  before  the  tribunal  of 
history,  with  a  great  responsibility  resting 
upon  him.  He  had  fought  in  the  name  of 
progress,  order,  and  liberty,  first  the  Juarist, 
and  then  the  Lerdist  administration.  He  had 
promised  the  regeneration  of  the  country, 
and  his  promise  must  be  fulfilled.  He  must 
do  something  great — so  great  that  it  would 
justify  his  former  position.  First  of  all,  it 
was  necessary  to  dominate  the  situation  com- 
128 


DIAZ   AS   PRESIDENT 

pletely;  to  remove  whatever  obstacles  were 
placed  in  his  way;  to  crush  all  illegitimate 
ambitions;  to  fuse  into  one  all  antagonistic 
elements,  and  to  electrify  a  society  which  as 
yet  had  neither  ideals  nor  political  faith.  Un- 
less he  succeeded  in  doing  all  this ;  unless  he 
could  carry  out  his  programme  completely, 
he  would  remain  in  the  category  of  a  common 
revolutionist,  actuated  by  criminal  ambition. 
If  every  man  is  responsible  to  himself  for 
the  wise  choice  of  a  business  or  profession, 
it  is  certainly  still  more  true  that  he  is  re- 
sponsible to  his  country  for  the  position  he 
assumes  in  politics. 

General  Diaz  came  into  power  under  the 
most  unfavorable  auspices,  for  although  he 
was  supported  by  a  strong  party,  it  was 
nothing  more  than  a  party  of  opposition, 
and  not  homogeneous.  As  is  the  case  with 
all  revolutionary  groups,  it  was  possessed 
of  considerable  force,  but  included  a  horde 
of  undisciplined  followers,  because,  during 
the  time  of  actual  struggle,  it  was  neces- 
129 


PORFIKIO   DIAZ 

sary  to  welcome   all   sorts   and  conditions 
of  men. 

He  found  the  treasury  empty,  credit  gone, 
lack  of  confidence  everywhere,  international 
relations  broken  or  suspended,  and  grave 
complications  with  the  United  States  im- 
pending. To  meet  so  many  dangers,  and  to 
save  the  nation's  honor,  demanded  excellent 
judgment,  faultless  tact,  calmness,  firmness, 
and  patriotism. 

Lerdism  had  been  conquered,  but  not  an- 
nihilated. Some  of  Lerdo's  commanders  and 
officers  remained  loyal  to  his  party  and  re- 
fused to  recognize  the  new  order  of  things. 
Some  retired  to  their  homes  and  took  up  their 
work.  Others  plotted,  but  always  unsuccess- 
fully, either  from  lack  of  skill  or  because  the 
"  Cause  of  Eestoration "  no  longer  carried 
any  prestige,  or,  perhaps,  merely  because  so- 
ciety was  heartily  tired  of  internal  disorders. 
Nevertheless,  the  Lerdists  continued  to  be  a 
source  of  anxiety,  and  to  hamper  the  free 
action  of  the  Government. 
130 


DIAZ   AS   PRESIDENT 

One  of  the  most  solemn  promises  of  the 
"  Plan  de  Tuxtepec  "  was  to  abolish  the  im- 
mediate reelection  of  the  President  of  the 
Republic  and  the  governors  of  the  States. 
In  order  to  carry  this  provision  into  effect  an 
amendment  to  the  Constitution  was  adopted 
and  ratified.  This,  we  must  remember,  re- 
stricted to  four  years  the  time  at  General 
Diaz's  disposal,  and  made  the  favorable  out- 
come of  his  enormous  undertaking  extremely 
doubtful;  for  nothing  great  can  be  accom- 
plished in  a  short  time. 

Fortunately,  General  Diaz  had  developed 
his  powers  on  the  field  of  battle.  He  was  ac- 
customed to  creating  resources,  organizing 
armies,  and  collecting  war  material.  This 
military  education  was  all  the  statesman  had 
to  fall  back  upon;  but,  under  the  circum- 
stances, it  was  the  most  appropriate  and  suit- 
able education  he  could  have  had — indis- 
pensable, one  might  even  call  it,  considering 
the  exceptional  conditions  under  which  the 
country  was  laboring  at  that  time.  Every- 
131 


POBFIRIO   DIAZ 

one  knows  that  the  science  of  war  demands  a 
wider  range  of  knowledge  than  any  other,  and 
demands  in  addition  a  forceful  genius,  rich  in 
resources. 

Emerson,  the  great  American  philosopher, 
has  declared  that  man  has  the  power  to  de- 
termine his  own  value.  It  is  worthy  of  uni- 
versal acceptation,  this  maxim,  that  man  can 
achieve  the  character  which  he  attributes  to 
himself.  Let  him  grasp  the  situation,  place 
himself  in  an  irrefutable  position,  and  all 
men  will  accept  his  pretensions.  The  world 
is  bound  to  be  just,  though  it  is  always  pro- 
foundly indifferent  to  the  choice  of  role  which 
each  one  makes  for  himself.  Let  him  be  a 
hero,  or  a  fool;  it  is  all  one  to  the  people. 
They  will  surely  accept  the  standards  which 
he  has  raised  for  his  own  acts,  the  limits 
which  he  has  set  for  his  own  personality, 
whether  he  trails  his  coward  spirit  in  the 
dust  or  links  it  with  the  stars  as  they  revolve 
in  the  dome  of  heaven. 

General  Diaz  had  faith  in  himself,  and 
132 


DIAZ  rAS   PEESIDENT 

therefore  inspired  confidence  in  others.  He 
believed  himself  capable  of  dominating  the 
situation,  and  he  dominated  it. 

Porfirio  Diaz  had  just  completed  his  thir- 
ty-seventh year,  and  was  in  the  full  vigor  of 
his  physical  and  mental  powers,  when  the 
people  enthusiastically  placed  him  in  the 
presidential  chair. 

He  came  into  prominence  when  his  genius 
was  fully  developed  and  when  the  nation  was 
ready  for  the  labors  which  he  undertook.  It 
will  be  generally  granted,  I  think,  that  there 
is  in  affairs  a  ripening  process  which  one 
must  patiently  await  or  his  undertaking  will 
fail,  and  happy  the  man  who  arrives  at  the 
propitious  moment! 

Although  it  is  true  that  great  men  always 
hold  a  dominating  influence  at  any  given 
moment,  we  must  not  forget  that  this  influ- 
ence is  necessarily  affected  by  the  larger  cur- 
rent of  their  times.  So  that  the  superiority 
of  these  men  really  consists  in  their  ability 
133 


PORFIEIO   DIAZ 

to  perceive  the  trend  of  events  and  to  act 
accordingly. 

It  is  commonly  said  that  arriving  at  the 
appropriate  moment  is  a  matter  of  chance, 
but  I  do  not  believe  it.  Nothing  happens  by 
accident  in  an  orderly  universe,  but  of  neces- 
sity. Historic  events  do  not  take  place  at 
haphazard;  they  unfold  in  obedience  to  a 
law  which  we  have  not  yet  fathomed. 

Necessity  creates  the  instrument  and  the 
material  to  supply  the  thing  needed.  This 
is  the  reason  that  in  history  we  always  see 
the  much  needed  man  appear  just  at  the 
right  time.  Necessity  brings  him  forth,  in- 
spires him,  and  makes  him  arrive  at  the 
crucial  moment.  Is  the  man  himself  con- 
scious of  this  compelling  force  ?  Yes ;  by  in- 
tuition; therefore  he  does  not  hesitate  nor 
procrastinate. 

General  Diaz  knew  that  sooner  or  later  he 
would  reach  the  presidency,  and  during  the 
time  that  he  lived  in  the  solitude  of  the  coun- 
try he  was  forming  his  plans  of  government. 
134 


GENERAL   PORFIEIO  DIAZ   IN   1867. 


DIAZ  AS   PRESIDENT 

He  then  decided  that  the  first  step  must  be  to 
bring  about  peace  and  enforce  it  at  any  cost, 
as  that  was  the  only  condition  under  which 
his  work  would  be  possible. 

He  well  knew  that  he  would  have  to  meet 
the  baleful  vices  created  by  revolutionary 
turbulence,  so  long  continued  that  it  had  be- 
come a  kind  of  second  nature  in  our  race. 
But  he  succeeded  in  solving  the  problem,  and 
when  he  came  into  power,  surrounded  by  so 
many  professional  revolutionists,  he  under- 
stood that  the  only  way  of  escape  was  to  keep 
them  under  his  control.  He  perceived  that  if 
he  could  muster  sufficient  skill  and  judgment 
to  manage  them  he  could  render  them  harm- 
less— even  useful. 

By  his  success  in  repressing  with  firm  hand 
the  last  traces  of  disorder,  he  ended  this  tur- 
bulent period  in  our  history  and  inaugurated 
a  period  of  evolution — an  evolution  which 
began  with  himself,  by  changing  him  from 
revolutionary  leader  to  civil  ruler,  from 
soldier  to  politician,  from  politician  to  ad- 
10  135 


POEFIBIO   DIAZ 

ministrator,  from  military  hero  to  "  Father 
of  Peace."  He  who  through  the  necessities 
of  the  situation  had  been  the  Destroyer,  by 
virtue  of  his  new  undertaking  became  the 
Eestorer. 

He  planned,  created,  and  organized.  He 
began  by  experimenting,  under  the  guidance 
of  his  intuition ;  he  continued  by  the  light  of 
the  experience,  which  he  was  gaining  and 
storing  up  daily;  he  concluded  by  scientific 
verification,  which  is  the  highest  achievement 
of  human  wisdom. 

He  held  the  conviction  that  the  greatness 
of  a  nation  consists  not  in  its  potential  or  la- 
tent energies,  but  in  its  positive  and  dynamic 
activities ;  that  is,  those  which  manifest  them- 
selves in  action  scientifically  directed,  and 
reveal  themselves  in  deeds  which  contribute 
to  the  purposes  of  society. 

But  these  potential  energies  cannot  be  con- 
verted into  dynamic  energies  by  the  will  of 
any  man,  no  matter  how  skillful,  for  the  con- 
currence of  other  factors  is  necessary;  such 
136 


DIAZ   rAS   PRESIDENT 

factors,  for  example,  as  suitable  material  to 
work  with,  the  right  opportunity,  aid  from 
the  general  attitude  of  society,  and  time, 
always  a  most  important  factor  in  the  devel- 
opment and  strengthening  process  which  any 
great  and  complicated  system  must  undergo. 

As  I  have  already  said,  Diaz  began  by 
establishing  peace,  as  the  first  condition  of 
prosperity.  It  is  true  enough  that  peace  is  a 
result,  but  as  is  the  case  with  all  effects,  it 
becomes  in  its  turn  a  cause. 

Much  has  been  said  both  for  and  against 
peace,  this  most  precious  acquisition  of  our 
times  in  Mexico,  each  one  stating  his  judg- 
ment as  he  has  formed  it  from  his  own  point 
of  view.  And,  after  all,  peace  alone  means 
little.  Peace,  as  a  political  term,  is  merely 
relative,  and  means  public  tranquillity;  that 
is,  a  state  in  which  there  is  no  enemy  to  fight, 
either  within  or  without.  So  far  it  is  a 
merely  negative  condition.  Peace  is  the  ab- 
sence of  war.  But  the  word  is  capable  of 
sustaining  a  further  meaning.  Peace  is  order 
137 


POKFIBIO   DIAZ 

balanced  by  law.  In  this  definition  we  find 
already  the  positive  element.  But  even  in 
this  acceptation  there  is  something  lacking; 
there  is  a  distinction  between  a  mere  passive 
state  of  peace  and  the  live,  active  condition 
which  we  might  call  dynamic  peace.  Unques- 
tionably, under  either  of  these  two  aspects, 
peace  results  in  benefit  to  mankind,  when 
compared  with  war;  but  there  is,  neverthe- 
less, a  great  difference  between  the  two.  The 
former  brings  with  it  in  the  long  run  enerva- 
tion and  paralysis  of  initiative.  It  has  the 
same  effect  that  disuse  has  upon  steel ;  though 
the  metal  escapes  the  wearing  process  of  use, 
still  it  is  slowly  destroyed  by  oxidation. 
Thus  it  is  with  the  mechanical  peace  which  is 
useful  only  in  a  period  of  transition,  for  if 
it  is  too  long  continued  it  becomes  dangerous, 
unlawful  tyranny,  and  order  is  maintained 
at  the  expense  of  liberty;  order  of  this  kind 
is  really  nothing  more  than  discipline  bor- 
dering on  complete  subjection. 
Peace  of  the  second  kind  is  active,  positive, 
138 


DIAZ  AS   PRESIDENT 

dynamic.  It  enters  into  the  social  organism 
as  an  integral  part ;  it  quickens  dormant  en- 
ergies, promotes  activity,  brings  out  the  un- 
formed, strengthens  the  weak,  unites  the 
divided,  heals  the  sick,  lifts  the  fallen,  and 
reclaims  those  who  have  gone  astray ;  it  leads 
all,  though  by  different  paths,  to  a  common 
end,  the  betterment  of  society,  both  morally 
and  materially.  As  the  whole  movement  is 
based  upon  respect  for  law,  respect  on  the 
part  of  the  governed,  making  them  careful 
not  to  misprize  the  law;  respect  on  the  part 
of  the  administration  not  to  misuse  their 
power;  each  side  does  its  duty  with  perfect 
respect  for  the  rights  of  the  other. 

General  Diaz  was  obliged  to  resort  to 
both  systems.  It  was  absolutely  necessary 
to  begin  by  repressing  lawlessness,  other- 
wise the  development  of  a  peaceable  and 
harmonious  social  order  would  have  been 
impossible. 

Octavian  peace,  that  of  toto  orbe  in  pace 
composite,  which  prepared  the  ground  for 
139 


POBFIEIO   DIAZ 

Tiberius,  Caligula,  Claudius,  and  Nero,  and 
opened  the  road  to  Borne  for  the  so-called 
Barbarians  of  the  North,  was  not  the  work 
of  Augustus,  but  the  logical  result  of  the  con- 
dition of  the  Boman  Empire.  It  had  reached 
the  stage  of  mortal  decadence.  As  Borne  had 
her  time  of  aggrandizement,  she  had  of  neces- 
sity a  process  of  decay,  which  ended  in  ex- 
tinction, as  happened  in  the  case  of  Egypt 
and  Greece.  Prostration  and  lethargy  marked 
the  beginning  of  the  last  agony.  This  hap- 
pens with  nations  just  as  it  does  with  indi- 
viduals, for  they  also  are  subject  to  physi- 
ological laws. 

I  am  firmly  convinced  of  the  sincerity  of 
General  Diaz's  intentions  when  he  came  into 
power.  He  was  a  true  democrat.  He  had 
proved  it  on  many  occasions.  He  considered 
it  dangerous  in  a  democracy  to  continue  a 
chief  magistrate  in  power  indefinitely;  he 
believed  that  the  best  guarantee  of  public 
liberty  is  the  periodic  renewal  of  the  men 
140 


DIAZ  AS   PBESIDENT 

who  wield  the  power.  For  failure  to  carry 
out  this  principle  General  Diaz  condemned 
both  Juarez  and  Lerdo. 

In  the  beginning  of  Diaz's  administration, 
the  revolutionary  spirit  threatened  to  over- 
throw the  new  order  of  things.  Some  Lerdist 
leaders,  among  them  those  who  had  defended 
their  chief  with  so  little  courage,  whether 
from  remorse  or  some  other  cause,  instituted 
what  they  called  the  "  Bestoration."  For  this 
cause  they  plotted  with  little  skill  and  less 
success.  It  was  said  that  Lerdo  was  always 
opposed  to  these  conspiracies,  and  looked 
with  equal  scorn  upon  his  "  posthumous  l  par- 
tisans "  and  his  enemies.  The  Government 
at  first  showed  a  certain  leniency  toward 
the  conspirators,  but  there  came  a  time  when 
it  was  thought  necessary  to  chastise  and  ter- 
rorize these  enemies  of  the  Government. 

»The  poignancy  of  this  phrase  will  be  missed  by  the 
American  reader,  unless  he  happens  to  remember  that 
Lerdo's  friends  postponed  vigorous  action  till  after  their 
leader  was  politically  dead  beyond  the  possibility  of  resur- 
rection. 

141 


POBFIEIO   DIAZ 

This  was  done  on  the  frightful  night  of  June 
25,  1879. 

On  the  night  of  the  23d  of  the  same  month, 
the  Mexican  gunboats  Libertad  and  Inde- 
pendencia  happened  to  be  anchored  in  Tla- 
cotalpam  (State  of  Vera  Cruz).  A  group  of 
Alvaradians,  led  by  one  Antonio  Vela,  took 
possession  of  the  Libertad,  through  the  con- 
nivance of  some  of  the  crew.  The  Libertad 
immediately  started  for  Alvarado  before  the 
Independencia  could  stop  her.  The  Bevolu- 
tionaries  disembarked  in  Alvarado  and  sur- 
prised a  picket  of  the  Twenty-third  Battalion, 
which  constituted  the  garrison  of  the  town, 
carried  them  all  on  board,  and  quickly  put  to 
sea,  with  the  intention  of  reaching  "  Laguna 
del  Carmen." 

This  uprising  in  favor  of  the  Bestoration 
of  Lerdo  was  a  part  of  a  vast  conspiracy, 
which  had  for  its  principal  object  the  capture 
of  Vera  Cruz.  It  had  ramifications  all  over 
the  country,  in  the  large  cities,  and  even  in 
the  Capital  itself.  Its  principal  leader  was 
142 


DIAZ  AS   PEESIDENT 

General  Mariano  Escobedo.  Cooperating 
with  him  were  several  colonels  of  recognized 
ability,  such  as  Lorenzo  Fernandez,  Boni- 
facio Topete,  Carlos  Fuero,  Jose  B.  Cuesto, 
and  others  of  no  less  reputation. 

The  news  of  the  capture  of  the  Libert  ad 
was  received  inVeraCruz  on  the  24th,  brought 
by  a  pilot  of  the  port  named  Carmona.  He 
was  immediately  arrested  by  General  Luis 
Mier  y  Teran,  Governor  of  the  State. 

Teran  was  a  fanatical  Diaz  supporter.  Al- 
though born  in  Guanajuato,  he  had  gone  to 
Oaxaca  at  a  very  early  age,  and  was  con- 
sidered an  Oaxacan.  He  had  served  in  the 
"  Three  Years'  War  "  as  a  subaltern,  having 
taken  part  in  the  defense  of  Vera  Cruz  when 
it  was  bombarded  by  Miramon.  He  was  a 
big,  pompous  man,  but  very  open-hearted, 
and  possessed  of  warm  sympathies.  His 
education  had  been  very  scant,  and  his 
courage  was  of  the  rashest  kind.  In  Vera 
Cruz  he  was  immensely  popular  among  the 
lower  classes,  but  the  well-to-do  never  took 
143 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

him  seriously  as  a  politician,  although  they 
liked  him  very  much  as  a  man. 

Teran  had  served  in  the  Army  of  the  East, 
had  taken  part  in  the  defense  of  Puebla  when 
it  was  besieged  by  the  French  army,  and  had 
been  captured  and  deported  to  France. 
On  his  return,  he  escaped  from  Vera  Cruz 
and  again  joined  the  ranks  of  General  Diaz. 
He  was  one  of  the  heroes  of  April  2d. 

After  the  triumph  of  the  Eepublic  he  re- 
turned to  Vera  Cruz  and  became  a  broker 
again,  but  still  took  an  active  part  in  all  con- 
spiracies and  revolutions  of  the  Diaz  party. 
In  fact,  he  was  the  virtual  chief  of  that  party 
in  his  state.  At  the  time  of  the  "  Plan  del  la 
Noria,"  he  was  Commander  in  Chief  of  the 
Eevolutionaries  in  Oaxaca.  He  was  defeated 
and  made  prisoner  in  San  Mateo  Xindihui 
by  the  Juarist  General  Loaeza.  At  the  time 
of  the  "  Plan  de  Tuxtepec,"  he  was  defeated 
and  made  prisoner  by  the  Lerdist  General 
Alatorre  at  the  battle  of  Epatlan.  Though  a 
good  leader  of  a  column,  he  was  the  poorest 
144 


DIAZ   AS   PRESIDENT 

kind  of  a  commander  in  chief.  His  character 
and  his  eccentricities  won  for  him  the  name 
of  "  Crazy  Teran." 

After  General  Diaz's  victory  in  Tecoac, 
Teran  regained  his  liberty,  and  was  sent  to 
Vera  Cruz  as  military  commander,  and  upon 
the  establishment  of  the  constitutional  gov- 
ernment was  elected  Governor  of  the  State. 
Teran  lived  in  constant  fear,  not  because  he 
was  a  coward,  but  because  he  understood 
fully  the  supreme  importance  of  Vera  Cruz  at 
that  moment ;  it  was  the  key  to  the  Eepublic 
and  the  chief  source  of  supplies  for  the  Gov- 
ernment. He  was  aware  that  plotting  was 
going  on,  but  he  could  not  discover  the  source 
nor  obtain  sufficient  evidence  to  convict  the 
conspirators. 

Some  days  before  the  occurrence  of  the 
events  which  I  have  just  described,  he  or- 
dered several  suspects  to  be  arrested.  Among 
these  was  Don  Vicente  Capmany.  They  were 
handed  over  to  me  for  judgment,  for  at  that 
time  I  was  Federal  Judge  of  the  District 
145 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

of  Vera  Cruz.  As  the  authorities  were  un- 
able to  furnish  me  with  proofs  of  any  kind, 
I  was  forced  at  the  expiration  of  the  trial 
to  issue  a  mandate  placing  the  accused  at 
liberty.  This  put  me  in  bad  repute  with 
Teran,  who,  though  he  could  not  question  my 
party  loyalty,  accused  me  of  being  weak.  To 
this  accusation  I  replied  that  I  was  a  judge, 
not  an  executioner,  and  could  only  act  ac- 
cording to  the  law. 

On  June  24th,  the  very  day  on  which  the 
news  of  the  seizure  of  the  gunboat  Liber  tad 
came,  Teran  received  from  General  Diaz  de- 
tails of  the  plot  which  was  being  concocted 
in  Vera  Cruz,  and  a  list  of  the  persons  in- 
volved. 

Teran,  overrating  the  danger,  telegraphed 
to  President  Diaz  that  there  was  an  up- 
rising in  the  garrison.  The  President  an- 
swered him  in  his  usual  laconic  fashion 
"Shoot  them  red-handed."  During  the 
night  Teran  ordered  the  arrest  of  the  men 
whose  names  he  had  on  the  list.  The  po- 
146 


DIAZ   AS   PEESIDENT 

lice  were  slow  in  carrying  out  the  order, 
and  the  most  important  leaders  escaped. 
These  were  Colonel  Fernandez  and  Colonel 
Cueto.  The  police  succeeded  in  arresting 
Jaime  Eodriguez,  Dr.  Eamon  Albert  Hernan- 
dez, Antonio  Ituarte,  Francisco  Cueto,  Luis 
Alva,  Lorenzo  Portilla,  Vicente  Capmany, 
Eicardo  B.  Suarez,  and  Luis  Galinie.  These 
men  were  placed  in  the  public  prison.  At 
dawn,  on  the  morning  of  the  25th,  in  the 
midst  of  a  great  downpour,  the  prisoners 
were  conducted  (with  the  exception  of  Su- 
arez, Galinie,  and  Carmona)  to  the  barracks 
of  the  Twenty-third  Battalion.  Manuel  Eo- 
sello,  Antonio  Loredo,  J.  A.  Eubalcaba,  and 
Juan  Caro-Garcia,  officers  of  the  Twenty-fifth 
Battalion,  were  also  arrested.  General  Teran 
arrived  at  the  barracks  of  the  Twenty-third, 
and  ordered  the  execution  of  the  four  officers 
above  mentioned.  Two  of  them,  Eosello  and 
Loredo,  succeeded  in  saving  their  lives, 
thanks  to  the  prayers  and  persuasive  elo- 
quence of  the  Major  Juvencio  Eobles.  Eubal- 
147 


POEFIBIO   DIAZ 

caba,  Caro,  and  the  other  civilians  already 
mentioned  were  executed  in  a  summary 
manner. 

The  immediate  effect  of  this  Bacchanalian 
orgy  of  blood  was  to  strike  terror  to  the 
hearts  of  all  conspirators.  That  the  feeling 
was  deep  and  lasting  is  proved  by  that  fact 
that  it  is  still  felt  to-day,  thirty  years  after- 
wards. It  was  clearly  understood  that  revo- 
lutionists need  not  expect  any  leniency  from 
the  Government.  In  consequence,  all  ac- 
knowledged themselves  conquered.  After  this 
"  pacifism  "  *  began. 

At  the  close  of  President  Diaz's  first  term, 
the  Diaz  party  understood  that  they  had 
gone  too  far  in  prohibiting  immediate  reelec- 

1  As  there  seems  to  be  no  word  to  convey  the  idea  of  peace 
imposed  from  without  as  distinguished  from  a  condition  due 
to  inner  harmony,  Senor  de  Zayas  has  used  the  coined  word 
"pacifismo,"  and  asked  to  have  it  transposed  bodily  into 
English.  "  Pacifism  "  he  defines  as  peace  imposed  by  forcible 
means  and  with  a  tendency  to  absolutism.  Pacification 
would  not  express  the  meaning,  as  Senor  de  Zayas  wishes  to 
describe  a  permanent,  as  opposed  to  a  merely  transient,  con- 
dition. In  another  passage,  he  has  made  a  further  distinction 
by  using  the  phrase  "  mechanical  peace"  as  contrasted  with 
"  organic  peace." 

148 


DIAZ   AS   PRESIDENT 

tion.  General  Diaz  himself  saw  with  dismay 
the  approach  of  the  termination  of  his  power, 
for  he  had  hardly  more  than  begun  to  estab- 
lish the  reforms  he  had  planned. 

At  this  juncture,  an  idea  occurred  to  him 
which  would  modify  the  effect  of  the  law, 
without  altering  the  letter. 

It  was  certainly  legal  to  transfer  the  Gov- 
ernment to  other  hands  as  a  sacred  trust,  to 
be  returned  after  four  years  to  President 
Diaz.  The  question  then  was,  "  Who  would 
be  a  fitting  man  for  this  trust! "  The  name 
of  Don  Justo  Benitez  at  once  occurred  to 
Diaz.  Benitez  was  an  Oaxacan,  a  man  of 
profound  judicial  knowledge,  great  energy, 
and  sterling  character.  For  many  years  he 
had  been  General  Diaz's  only  counsellor,  his 
private  secretary,  his  general  secretary,  and 
the  actual  director  of  administration  of  the 
Eastern  States  while  they  were  under  the 
control  of  Qeneral  Diaz.  Benitez  had  been, 
one  might  almost  say,  the  mind  of  the  young 
'  commander.  On  assuming  power,  President 

149 


POEFIRIO   DIAZ 

Diaz  had  made  Benitez  his  highest  cabinet 
officer.  Benitez  was  a  man  of  unquestionable 
honor  and  absolute  loyalty.  There  could  be 
no  one  better  than  he  to  carry  out  the  re- 
gency, as  the  period  between  1880  and  1884 
might  well  be  called. 

After  Benitez  had  been  designated  as  can- 
didate, he  sailed  for  Europe,  with  the  inten- 
tion of  making  a  political  tour  in  order  to 
facilitate  the  reopening  of  diplomatic  rela- 
tions which  had  been  broken  off  on  account 
of  the  war  with  France.  This  absence  was 
fatal  to  his  interests,  for  when  he  returned 
the  opinion  of  those  in  control  Jiad  turned 
against  him. 

It  is  said  that  Benitez  made  the  mistake  of 
acting  as  if  he  actually  had  in  his  hands  the 
reins  of  power.  He  allowed  his  own  person- 
ality to  assert  itself.  This  alarmed  General 
Diaz  and  made  him  suspicious,  with  the  result 
that  Benitez  fell  from  grace,  never  to  rise 
again.  He  was  one  of  the  many  factors  elim- 
inated by  our  inexorable  mathematician. 
150 


DIAZ   AS   PEESIDENT 

It  was  now  necessary  to  think  of  some  one 
else ;  he  must  be  a  soldier,  accustomed  to  dis- 
cipline, and  ready  to  obey  orders  absolutely. 
General  Teran,  who  had  really  been  thought 
of  by  General  Diaz  before  Benitez,  had  al- 
ready been  cast  aside  because  of  the  over- 
zealousness  which  he  had  shown  on  June 
25th.  Then  Diaz  thought  of  General  Don 
Manuel  Gonzalez,  the  real  hero  of  Tecoac. 

Gonzalez  was  a  rough  man,  without  educa- 
tion, without  training  of  any  kind,  much  less 
administrative  knowledge.  As  a  commander 
of  guerrillas,  he  was  brave  to  rashness.  He 
had  served  in  the  ranks  of  the  Eeactionaries, 
and  afterwards  gone  over  to  the  Bepub- 
licans  at  the  time  of  the  war  against  the 
French.  He  had  done  excellent  service  in  his 
country's  cause  under  the  orders  of  General 
Diaz.  Manly,  forceful,  and  loyal,  he  was  al- 
ways true  to  his  word,  even  if  he  had  given  it 
lightly ;  and  in  addition  he  was  one  of  General 
Diaz's  most  fanatical  partisans. 

The  appointment  of  Gonzalez  created  a 
11  151 


POBFIRIO   DIAZ 

scandal  in  the  Diaz  party,  for  many  of  its 
members  had  already  made  formal  agree- 
ments with  Benitez.  The  incident  even 
caused  a  ministerial  crisis.  However,  the 
command  of  General  Diaz  was  complied  with, 
and  Gonzalez  was  elected  president.  He  came 
into  office  December  1, 1880. 

There  are  those  who  assert  that  when  Gen- 
eral Diaz  stepped  .down  from  the  presidency, 
he  vowed  that  if  he  ever  became  president 
again  he  would  hold  the  office  for  life.  I 
doubt  the  authenticity  of  this  story,  for  Gen- 
eral Diaz  does  not  make  confidences  of  this 
kind. 


CHAPTER  VII 

THE   RE-ELECTION"   OF   GENERAL   DIAZ 

THE  administration  of  General  Gon- 
zalez was  for  the  first  two  years  a 
veritable  blessing  to  the  country. 
The  former  officials  and  commanders  of  the 
old  army,  who  had  served  under  President 
Lerdo  de  Tejada,  and  who,  through  pride  or 
military  feeling,  had  refused  to  enter  the 
service  during  the  administration  of  General 
Diaz,  now  submitted  to  the  Government,  and 
were  reinstated  in  their  grades  and  activ- 
ities. This  did  much  to  promote  general  good 
feeling  in  the  country.  Under  his  adminis- 
tration the  great  railroad  lines  were  begun, 
and  work  was  commenced  on  the  improve- 
ment of  the  port  of  Vera  Cruz.  Commerce  in- 
creased to  a  marked  degree,  and  the  breath  of 
returning  civil  life  was  inhaled  all  over  the 
country.  But  the  last  two  years  of  his  ad- 
153 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

ministration  were  extremely  disastrous.  In 
all  branches  of  the  Government  there  was 
fearful  wastefulness  and  much  scandal  over 
peculations,  and  but  for  the  fact  that  the  time 
set  for  General  Diaz's  return  to  power  was 

4 

near  at  hand,  we  should  certainly  have  again 
entered  upon  an  epoch  of  revolution.  The 
principal  cause  of  trouble  was  the  forced 
circulation  of  nickel  coins  and  the  arrange- 
ment of  the  English  debt  upon  a  basis  which 
was  at  that  time  considered  a  national  dis- 
grace. 

Many  people  thought  that  General  Gon- 
zalez would  limit  his  action  to  that  of  deputy 
of  his  predecessor  and  successor,  but  such 
was  not  the  case.  Once  in  power,  Gonzalez 
acted  entirely  upon  his  own  initiative.  Gen- 
eral Diaz  did  not  even  try  to  exercise  any  in- 
fluence over  him;  so  that  Gonzalez  and  his 
circle  were  responsible  for  all  the  good  and 
evil  of  that  administration.  The  Gonzalez 
party  wanted  to  work  for  the  continuance  of 
their  chief  in  power,  but  he  flatly  refused, 
154 


EE-ELECTION   OF   GENERAL   DIAZ 

His  word  had  been  given,  and  he  was  deter- 
mined to  live  up  to  it. 

The  elections  were  held,  and  much  enthu- 
siasm was  shown  for  General  Diaz,  who  was 
elected  almost  unanimously,  for  everyone 
believed  that  only  through  him  could  their 
legitimate  hopes  for  better  conditions  be 
realized. 

When  General  Diaz  again  took  up  the  reins 
of  government,  on  December  1,  1884,  he 
found  himself  compromised  by  the  action  of 
his  predecessor,  principally  because  the 
public  had  been  aroused  on  account  of 
the  state  of  the  treasury,  the  issue  of 
nickel  coin,  and  the  projected  rearrange- 
ment of  the  English  debt.  The  storm 
of  indignation  had  reached  the  breaking 
point. 

It  was  absolutely  necessary,  therefore,  to 

continue  enforcing,  at  all  costs,  mechanical 

peace,  or,  as  I  have  already  called  it,  the 

policy  of  "  pacifism."    Fortunately,  the  peo- 

155 


PORFIBIO   DIAZ 

pie  responded,  for  they  saw  that  it  was  their 
only  hope  of  salvation. 

At  this  juncture  General  Diaz  began  the 
great  work  which  has  given  him  a  world-wide 
reputation.  General  Diaz's  first  period  was 
one  of  initiation  and  experiment ;  his  second 
was  devoted  to  the  development  of  a  perfectly 
conceived  plan,  now  worked  out  in  all  its 
details. 

The  people  understood  that  four  years  was 
not  sufficient  time  to  complete  such  a  work  of 
reorganization.  They  trembled  before  the 
prospect  of  another  and  a  different  adminis- 
tration, and,  impelled  by  public  opinion,  Con- 
gress repealed  the  Constitutional  amend- 
ment which  prohibited  reelection.  At  first, 
only  a  second  term  was  permitted ;  but  after- 
wards the  very  men  who  had  originally  set 
the  limit  of  a  single  term  reestablished  the 
old  regime,  which  gave  to  the  public  the 
power  to  reelect  its  chief  magistrate  indefi- 
nitely. Thus  was  the  work  of  the  revolution 
of  Tuxtepec  brought  to  naught. 
156 


EE-ELECTION   OF    GENEEAL   DIAZ 

By  enforcing  discipline  with  an  iron  hand, 
General  Diaz  succeeded  in  converting  the 
army  from  an  instrument  of  revolution  into 
a  bulwark  of  the  law,  from  a  howling  mob  of 
barrack-room  disturbers  into  guardians  of  the 
peace,  from  terrorizers  of  the  people  into 
protectors  of  life  and  property. 

Law  and  order  was  now  established  upon 
so  firm  a  basis  that  it  gave  security  to  the 
people,  not  only  in  the  populous  centers,  but 
in  the  remote  districts,  and  brought  protec- 
tion to  the  dwellers  in  huts  as  well  as  to 
the  rich  in  palaces.  Under  the  vivifying  in- 
fluence of  peace  our  arid  deserts  were  trans- 
formed into  agricultural  regions,  and  the 
great  stretches  of  our  extensive  territory 
ssettled;  the  capital  of  the  country  was  be- 
coming convinced  that  there  was  a  better 
field  for  its  investment  at  home  than  abroad, 
and  foreign  capital  was  shown  that  from 
Mexico  a  greater  return  could  be  obtained, 
and  actually  was  being  obtained,  than  from 
any  other  country;  our  wretched  bays  were 
157 


POEFIRIO   DIAZ 

being  converted  into  safe  harbors;  an  iron 
network  of  railroads  was  spread  over  the 
country,  joining  the  interior  with  the  fron- 
tier, most  of  the  towns  with  the  capitals  of 
the  provinces,  and  all  the  provincial  capitals 
with  the  metropolis  and  the  outside  world. 
The  impetuous  current  of  our  rivers  was  be- 
ing dominated  by  bridges,  the  deep  abysses 
of  our  canons  spanned  by  viaducts,  and 
even  the  mountain  barriers  conquered  by 
tunnels. 

Peace  made  it  possible  to  mine  the  iron  and 
coal,  to  utilize  the  rivers  with  the  turbine; 
under  the  influence  of  progress  and  civiliza- 
tion manufacturing  plants  were  built,  boilers 
started,  smelters  lighted,  and  great  factory 
chimneys  reared  with  their  plumes  of  smoke, 
standing  out  against  the  sky;  levers  were 
opened  to  give  passage  to  the  restless  steam 
that  it  might  drive  pistons,  and  thus  commu- 
nicate its  throbbing  life  to  the  dead  machin- 
ery. One  might  almost  say  that  the  mechan- 
ism had  been  endowed  with  life  and  could 
158 


KE-ELECTION   OF   GENEKAL   DIAZ 

actually  reason,  for  it  seems  to  swell  with 
pride  at  being  made  the  depositary  of  man's 
will  and  intelligence,  and  thus  inspired,  it 
forges,  it  grinds,  it  hammers,  it  weaves,  it 
spins,  combines  and  separates,  selects  and 
classifies,  presses  and  molds,  polishes  and 
puts  the  finishing  touches  upon  all  kinds  of 
work.  The  machinery  itself  seems  to  be 
alive  and  to  infuse  its  life  into  the  workmen. 

The  same  is  true  of  capital;  it  infuses 
life  into  enterprise,  and  by  improving  trans- 
portation carries  the  impulse  to  distant  set- 
tlements, even  reaching  foreign  countries  in 
its  beneficent  work.  The  factory  whistle  re- 
places the  church  bell,  calling  men  from  sleep 
to  their  life  of  activity,  telling  the  laborer 
that  it  is  time  for  breakfast,  giving  him  the 
signal  to  quit  work  and  seek  his  grateful  and 
well-earned  rest,  and  again  calling  him  the 
next  morning. 

The  plow  furrows  the  earth,  the  sower  sows 
the  grain,  the  irrigating  ditch  waters  it,  the 
sun  warms  it  into  life,  the  seed  germinates, 
159 


POEFIEIO   DIAZ 

and  the  plant  spreads  its  leaves  and  blos- 
soms, the  smiling  promise  of  the  autumn 
crop.  The  reaper  cuts  the  grain  and  fills  the 
barn  with  the  remunerative  harvest.  On  the 
other  hand  the  flocks  and  herds  graze  upon 
the  mountain  sides  and  chew  their  cud  in 
tranquillity  under  the  shade  of  protecting 
trees,  growing  the  tender  flesh  which  is  to 
serve  us  as  food,  the  wool  from  which  we 
make  our  clothes,  and  the  hide  which  later 
industry  will  work  over  and  turn  into  articles 
to  satisfy  a  thousand  needs  of  our  complex 
civilization.  Farther  away  in  the  mountains 
the  mining  industry  is  continually  making 
more  scientific  its  processes,  more  perfect  its 
organization,  and  more  economical  its  busi- 
ness methods;  it  makes  the  depths  of  the 
earth  pay  an  equal  or  even  greater  tribute 
than  the  soil  to  the  private  individual  and 
to  the  public  at  large. 

Under  the  influence  of  peace,  the  postal 
facilities  have  been  properly  organized,  and 
the  wires  of  the  telephone  and  the  telegraph 
160 


EE-ELECTION   OF    GENEEAL   DIAZ 

stretched  to  the  borders  of  the  Eepublic ;  all 
the  cities  and  towns,  and  even  the  smallest 
villages,  are  linked  together  by  rapid,  cheap, 
and  convenient  service,  which  greatly  con- 
tributes to  national  unification.  This  facili- 
tates trade,  it  brings  us  together,  and  makes 
us  of  one  mind.  We  suffer  with  all  in  a  com- 
mon grief,  we  rejoice  with  a  general  thanks- 
giving. The  cry  for  help  is  heard,  no  matter 
how  remote  the  spot,  where  desperation 
raises  it,  and  relief  is  sent  to  any  part  of  the 
country  by  the  national  spirit  of  charity. 
Public  instruction  follows  in  its  wake,  the 
trained  teacher  taking  the  place  of  the  priest, 
converting  the  school  into  a  center  for  the 
growth  and  expansion  of  the  mind ;  replacing 
the  brutal  system  of  former  times  and  the 
out-of-date  methods;  substituting  for  the 
idea  that  to  spare  the  rod  spoils  the  child  the 
belief  that  more  can  be  accomplished  by  per- 
suasion and  kindness  than  by  force. 

The  social  position  of  woman  has  been 
raised  without  undervaluing  her  womanliness 
161 


POEFIEIO   DIAZ 

or  overlooking  the  fact  that  she  was  destined 
by  nature  first  of  all  and  above  all  to  play  the 
noble  part  of  wife  and  the  sublime  and  sacred 
role  of  mother. 

The  administration  of  justice  has  been  im- 
proved, because  there  has  been  time  to  study 
problems  and  try  experiments  in  order  to 
correct  and  complete  the  law,  to  make  a  bet- 
ter distribution  of  the  duties  of  administra- 
tion, and  to  pay  the  officers  more  liberally, 
to  increase  the  number  of  courts  and  the  num- 
ber of  judges  for  each  court. 

Charity  has  increased  in  sincerity  and  in 
scope  it  has  grown  into  philanthropy  as  far 
as  the  public  administration  is  concerned,  and 
even  in  the  action  of  individuals.  I  do  not 
mean  to  imply  by  this,  however,  that  the  well 
of  individual  charity  has  run  dry,  for  com- 
passion is  instinctive  in  our  race,  and  charity 
is  fostered  by  our  religion.  We  should  never 
forsake  it,  no  matter  what  some  people  say, 
because  there  are  griefs  which  can  only 
be  consoled  by  the  individual,  and  miseries 
162 


EE-ELECTION   OF   GENERAL   DIAZ 

for  the  alleviation  of  which  it  is  right  that 
personal  aid  should  be  sought. 

A  country  without  well-organized  finances 
is  a  building  without  a  foundation.  The  un- 
derlying basis  of  the  bettered  social  condi- 
tions which  we  now  enjoy  is  the  public 
treasury. 

The  great  problem  which  General  Diaz  had 
to  solve  was  this :  Was  the  administration 
bad  because  of  the  lack  of  resources,  or  were 
resources  lacking  because  of  bad  administra- 
tion? Diaz's  answer  was  definite  and  clear. 
These  evils  are  intimately  connected,  so  in- 
timately that  one  cannot  exist  without  the 
other,  and,  being  interdependent,  they  must  be 
remedied  simultaneously.  But  after  solving 
the  problem  in  principle  it  was  necessary  to 
solve  it  in  practice,  and  General  Diaz  began 
the  process  of  national  evolution  by  first  es- 
tablishing order,  method,  and  a  wise  economy 
in  the  public  administration. 

The  conditions  which  necessitated  econ- 
omy had  already  been  made  and  imposed 
163 


POBFIRIO   DIAZ 

upon  the  country  in  such  a  manner  that  it 
was  impossible  to  avoid  the  issue.  It  was 
imperative  to  create  resources  to  relieve  the 
situation.  Up  to  that  time,  owing  to  the  ex- 
ceptional circumstances  through  which  our 
country  had  been  passing,  the  fiscal  system 
consisted  in  collecting  the  little  which  was 
available  and  in  avoiding  payment  of  the 
large  amounts  which  the  country  owed ;  or 
in  seeking  loans  to  tide  over  the  necessities 
of  the  moment,  and  paying  when  it  could  with 
exorbitant  interest.  But  General  Diaz  in- 
augurated new  methods.  He  established  a 
reasonable  system  of  taxation,  which  was  in- 
creased little  by  little;  he  recognized  and 
consolidated  all  debts ;  arranged  for  the  pay- 
ment of  interest,  and  established  a  sinking 
fund.  He  succeeded  in  raising  large  loans, 
under  extraordinarily  favorable  conditions, 
considering  the  circumstances.  The  purpose 
of  these  loans  was  to  develop  the  resources 
of  the  country,  to  unlock  its  riches,  and 
thereby  increase  the  Government's  revenue. 
164 


RE-ELECTION    OF    GENERAL   DIAZ 

The  best  possible  proof  of  the  President's 
wisdom  is  that,  although  the  Government's 
expenses  have  increased  from  year  to  year, 
there  has  always  been  a  surplus,  and  that,  in 
spite  of  this  yearly  increase  in  the  cost  of 
administration,  the  Government  has  been 
supported  without  detriment  to  the  pro- 
ductive and  consumptive  capacity  of  the  pop- 
ulation, and  has  not  reduced  the  people  to 
poverty.  On  the  contrary,  both  public  and 
private  wealth  has  increased,  and  along  with 
it  the  general  well-being. 

These  beneficial  results  have  surprised 
everyone  familiar  with  Mexican  history; 
not  even  the  most  optimistic  would  have 
dared  to  predict  that  in  such  a  short  time 
ithe  leaks  through  which  public  wealth 
flowed  out  could  have  been  stopped,  and  new 
sources  of  prosperity  discovered,  much  less 
that  credit  could  have  been  established  upon 
a  basis  of  equality  with  that  of  the  first- 
class  powers. 

In  an  honest  administration  the  money 
165 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

flows  from  the  people  into  the  public  coffers 
and  back  again  to  the  people,  through  differ- 
ent channels.  By  this  ebb  and  flow  of  wealth 
both  the  administration  and  the  people  are 
enriched;  in  a  word,  upon  this  depends  the 
national  wealth,  in  the  broadest  acceptation 
of  the  phrase ;  for  the  Government  can  thus 
bring  about  all  the  blessings  which  have  been 
enumerated  in  the  preceding  paragraphs,  and 
they  are  all  factors  in  the  prolongation  of 
life;  for  they  cut  down  distance,  multiply 
time,  lessen  illness,  furnish  better  arms  for 
the  struggle  of  existence,  open  new  fields  for 
the  mind  and  new  employments  for  the 
hands ;  in  short,  furnish  means  for  the  devel- 
opment of  every  man's  personality ;  and  upon 
this  depends  the  development  of  the  country, 
which  is  nothing  more  than  the  sum  of  its  in- 
dividuals. In  numbers  it  is  the  sum  of  these 
individuals,  in  quality  it  is  the  average  capac- 
ity of  these  individuals. 

Having  solved  the  problem  of  existence 
through  the  solution  of  the  economic  prob- 
166 


EE-ELECTION   OF   GENERAL   DIAZ 

lem,  it  became  less  difficult  for  Diaz  to  state 
and  solve  the  higher  problem  of  the  kind  of 
existence  we  should  lead  under  all  its  differ- 
ent aspects,  political,  administrative,  and  so- 
cial, so  full  of  details,  complexities,  and  diffi- 
culties. These  in  turn  were  arranged  slowly 
but  surely,  effectively  and  decisively.  If,  as 
the  great  captain  of  the  last  century  has 
said,  money  constitutes  the  sinews  of  war, 
it  may  be  said  with  equal  truth  that  money  is 
the  life  of  peace  and  the  basis  of  progress. 

General  Diaz  used  his  political  position 
as  the  fulcrum  and  his  will  as  the  lever  with 
which  to  elevate  the  country.    He  knew  that! 
power  can  exist  only  when  it  is  recognized! 
and  respected.    Armed  with  the  law  backed  ! 
by  force,  he  obtained  the  necessary  recogni-  \ 
tion  and  respect.     He  had  studied  at  short 
range   the  characteristics   of   our  previous 
revolutions,   and  knew   that   all   originated 
from  the  same  source;  namely,  the  antago- 
nism between  authority  and  liberty,  two  prin- 
ts 167 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

ciples  which  in  a  proper  political  system  not 
only  harmonize  but  supplement  each  other,  and 
really  ought  to  be  inseparable.  He  also  knew 
that  our  parties  in  their  excitement  and  ex- 
travagance had  carried  both  to  such  extremes 
as  to  divorce  them  entirely  from  one  another. 
Chateaubriand  says,  in  his  "  Memoires 
d'outre  Tombe,"  that  in  France  the  Repub- 
licans made  the  mistake  of  exceeding  the  lim- 
its of  true  democracy  on  the  one  hand  as  far 
as  the  Legitimist  party  exceeded  the  reason- 
able limits  of  monarchy  on  the  other.  The 
former  thought  violence  the  sole  road  to  suc- 
cess, while  the  latter  considered  a  return  to 
the  past  the  only  way  of  salvation.  The  same 
might  well  be  said  of  our  own  country.  The 
Eepublican  party  aspired  to  absolute  liberty 
and  ended  in  Jacobinism;  the  Reactionary 
party  set  up  a  standard  of  absolute  authority 
and  became  a  tyranny.  Neither  the  one  nor 
the  other  understood  that  liberty  without  jus- 
tice becomes  license,  and  that  justice,  unless 
enforced  with  a  strong  hand,  becomes  im- 
168 


EE-ELECTION   OF    GENERAL   DIAZ 

potence ;  that  power  without  justice  results  in 
tyranny.  But  it  is  equally  true  that  there 
can  be  no  authority  without  justice  nor  jus- 
tice without  liberty ;  for  all  these  are  related 
as  causes  and  effects,  each  one  being  at  the 
same  time  both  cause  and  effect.  General 
Diaz  earnestly  set  himself  to  the  task  of  har- 
monizing authority  and  liberty,  and  the  re- 
sult was  peace,  with  its  natural  accompani- 
ment— order. 

His  plans  were  laid  with  such  foresight, 
and  his  ideas  carried  out  with  so  much  skill, 
that  the  most  extreme  Eadicals  came  to  see 
that  respect  for  law  does  not  imply  servility, 
and  that  obedience  to  law  does  not  mean 
slavery.  The  Reactionaries,  on  the  other 
hand,  were  convinced  that  liberty  does  not 
necessarily  mean  anarchy,  and  that  estab- 
lished justice  is  only  the  carrying  out  of  duty 
because  duty  precedes  law,  both  in  time  and 
in  importance. 

The  country,  saved  from  ruin,  and  on  the 
threshold  of  prosperity,  very  properly  real- 
169 


POEFIEIO   DIAZ 

zed  that  it  was  only  right  to  concede  to  the 
lan  who  had  brought  about  this  change  not 
3nly  sufficient  time  to  carry  out  his  plan  of 
regeneration,  but  also  all  the  lawful  power 
necessary  to  clear  the  way  of  all  unnecessary 
obstacles  and  hindrances,  such  as  the  dilatory 
processes  of  law. 

The  systematic  opposition,  which  had  be- 
come a  settled  habit  in  Mexico  and  had  re- 
mained in  operation  to  a  certain  extent  as  a 
legacy  from  former  practical  politicians,  now 
fell  into  disrepute.  Its  voice  was  stifled 
by  the  enthusiastic  plaudits  of  the  entire  na- 
tion. The  people  preferred  the  eloquence  of 
deeds  to  that  of  flattering  promises,  and 
ceased  to  discuss  either  the  character  or  the 
actions  of  the  man  who  had  succeeded  in  plac- 
ing his  country  in  such  an  advantageous  po- 
sition. From  that  time  on  the  public  assunied 
toward  him  the  attitude  of  "  Let  him  do  what 
he  wishes,"  which  exactly  fitted  in  with  the 
motto  which  Diaz  had  adopted,  "  Give  me  a 
free  hand." 

170 


RE-ELECTION   OF   GENERAL   DIAZ 

Mexico,  after  the  administration  of  Gen- 
eral Gonzalez,  was  evidently  in  the  same 
plight  as  France  after  the  Directory;  that 
is,  the  people  found  themselves  in  the  posi- 
tion of  stockholders  who  have  no  president. 
It  was  fortunate  for  them  that  in  place  of  a 
General  Bonaparte  a  General  Diaz  presented 
himself,  for  instead  of  war  they  got  peace; 
instead  of  international  hatred  they  received 
the  respect  of  the  entire  world,  and  instead  of 
ruin,  prosperity.  France  could,  without  in- 
consistency, repudiate  her  leader,  and  this 
she  did  by  separating  her  cause  from  that 
of  the  tyrant.  But  Mexico  thought  it  wiser 
to  retain  the  man  of  her  choice,  because  his 
ambition  was  entirely  compatible  with  the 
nation's  interests. 


CHAPTER   VIII 

WHY  GENERAL  DIAZ  HAS  KEMAINED  IN  POWER 

I  AM  about  to  approach  the  most  difficult 
and    important    subject    of    this    book, 
namely,  the  reasons  why  General  Diaz 
has  been  continually  reflected,  or,  if  you  pre- 
fer, the  reasons  why  he  has  been  indefinitely 
retained  in  power — a  fact  which  by  some  has 
been  considered  proof  of  his  tyranny,  and  by 
others  an  equally  palpable  proof  of  the  de- 
generation of  the  Mexican  people. 

In  the  consideration  of  this  point,  I  am  go- 
ing to  reproduce  the  substance  of  the  series  of 
unsigned  articles,   which  I  published  some 
time  ago  in  one  of  the  New  York  papers,  re- 
garding the  presidential  elections  in  Mexico. 
I  then  expressed  my  conviction  that  the  re- 
election of  General  Diaz  was  necessary,  be- 
cause the  most  fundamental  interests  of  the 
country  unquestionably  demanded  it;  and  I 
172 


WHY  DIAZ  EEMAINED  IN   POWER 

founded  my  opinion  upon  three  principal 
arguments,  which  may  be  categorically  stated 
under  the  following  heads : 

1.  Instinct  of  Self -Preservation. 

2.  The  Unanimous  Wish  of  the  Country. 

3.  The   Absolute   Necessity  that   General 
Diaz  Should  Finish  his  Work. 

I  expanded  each  one  of  the  above  headings 
separately  as  follows : 

"1.  The  Instinct  of  Self -Preservation. 

"  Mexican  society  was  formed  in  the  midst 
of  a  long  and  fearful  struggle  against  the 
mother  country,  Spain.  When  the  country 
came  to  its  own  politically,  thanks  to  the 
achievement  of  its  independence,  it  tried  all 
kinds  of  governments  without  being  able  to 
establish  any  one  of  them,  because  the  bases 
upon  which  each  was  founded  were  ill-as- 
sorted, if  not  antagonistic. 

"  During  this  long  period,  which  lasted 
from  1821  to  1876,  the  instinct  of  self-pres- 
ervation was  not,  properly  speaking,  gen- 
eral, but  partisan;  for  each  party  thought 
173 


POEFIBIO  DIAZ 

that  it  alone  possessed  a  true  system,  in  fact 
the  only  system  by  which  order  could  be 
established,  peace  assured,  and  the  welfare 
of  the  people  gained.  Every  honest  politi- 
cal system  must  be  founded  upon  this  idea. 

"  The  truth  is  that  all  of  these  parties  were 
in  error,  either  because  they  started  upon 
false  principles,  or  because  they  exaggerated 
true  ones ;  for  it  is  well  known  that  nothing 
is  so  often  responsible  for  mistakes  as  the 
exaggeration  of  the  truth. 

"According  to  the  Conservative  or  Reac- 
tionary party  (in  Mexico  the  terms  are 
synonymous)  power  emanates  from  the  rul- 
ers; according  to  the  Liberal  party,  power 
emanates  from  the  people.  Both  parties  ig- 
nore or  appear  to  ignore  the  fact  that  power 
comes  neither  from  the  rulers  nor  the  ruled, 
but  that  necessity  creates  it.  Power  is  tran- 
sitory, if  it  arises  only  from  the  exigencies 
of  the  moment ;  lasting,  if  it  is  born  of  stable 
and  legitimate  aspirations.  Although  it  may 
be  true  that  audacity  and  force  are  sufficient 
174 


WHY  DIAZ  REMAINED  IN   POWER 

to  win  the  victory,  genius,  virtue,  and,  most 
of  all,  a  sense  of  responsibility  are  neces- 
sary to  make  its  effects  permanent. 

"  But  the  instinct  of  self-preservation  un- 
derwent evolution,  as  does  everything  else 
that  is  human ;  and  having  been  dominant  for 
long  years,  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  those 
who  held  more  rational  views,  it  nevertheless 
gradually  succumbed  to  these  ideas,  but  only 
after  they  had  been  embodied  in  a  man  of  un- 
usual force  and  insight.  From  that  time  on 
intelligence  began  to  enlighten  the  under- 
standing of  the  parties,  took  possession  of 
their  wills,  united  society,  and  finally  evolved 
a  rational  instinct,  precursor  of  a  rational  in- 
telligence— a  phenomenon  which  seems  anom- 
alous, but  is  in  reality  perfectly  logical  and 
wholly  in  accord  with  psychological  laws, 
This  new-born  instinct  makes  for  peace,  rea- 
sonable and  rational  peace;  it  accustoms  us 
to  habits  of  calmness  and  order,  and  finally 
through  repetition,  generation  after  genera- 
tion, forms  these  habits  into  race  instincts. 
175 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

"  Thus  rationalization,  forcibly  impressed 
at  first,  in  time  became  free,  thanks  to  the 
intelligence  and  perseverance  which  finally 
molded  our  wills  and  made  us  understand 
that  we  were  responsible  before  humanity 
for  the  condition  of  our  country,  since  its 
greatness  or  decadence  depended  upon  our 
acts,  and  its  future  was  in  our  hands. 

"  As  soon  as  we  understood  the  magnitude 
of  this  responsibility,  instead  of  frightening 
us  and  making  us  turn  back,  it  made  us  reso- 
lutely go  forward,  resolved  unalterably  to 
help  on  the  work  of  order  and  progress  in- 
augurated by  General  Diaz,  whom  we  obey, 
not  because  we  are  forced  to,  but  in  order  to 
establish  the  principle  of  solidarity. 

"  Since  then,  each  time  that  the  elections 
come  around,  a  tremor  runs  through  the  Re- 
public, a  grave  doubt  arises,  not  upon  the 
question  of  a  successor  to  General  Diaz,  but 
upon  the  question  whether  General  Diaz  will 
be  willing  to  remain  in  power,  in  view  of  the 
long  years  of  fatigue  which  have  been  heaped 
176 


WHY   DIAZ  EEMAINED  IN   POWER 

upon  him.  We  appeal  to  his  patriotism ;  we 
invoke  him  by  every  means  which  is  likely  to 
influence  him;  all  classes  are  united  by  a 
common  desire;  they  beg  him,  as  a  sacred 
duty,  to  continue  in  the  presidency,  an<J  to 
finish  his  great  work,  or  at  least  to  carry  it 
forward  as  far  as  possible. 

"  General  Diaz  has  said  repeatedly  that  it 
is  now  time  for  him  to  retire,  and  the  nation 
has  answered  that  this  time  will  never  come 
as  long  as  he  lives  and  follows  the  path 
which  he  himself  has  laid  out.  He  tells  us 
that  we  ought  to  choose  a  successor,  but  after 
taking  the  measure  of  our  contemporaries, 
we  reply  that  there  is  no  one  sufficiently  great 
to  replace  him.  He  asks  us  what  we  will  do 
when  he  dies,  and  we  answer  that  when  that 
day  comes  we  will  put  in  his  place  the  one 
who  most  nearly  approaches  him  in  great- 
ness ;  but  that  until  that  catastrophe  overtakes 
us,  and  we  are  forced  by  necessity  to  take 
that  step,  it  is  our  right  and  duty  to  insist 
upon  the  service  of  the  best  man  we  know 
177 


POBFIRIO   DIAZ 

rather  than  to  try  experiments  with  those 
we  know  not  of. 

"  What  is  it  that  inspires  our  people  wit" 
such  judicious  doubts  and  such  pruden 
scruples?  It  must  be  the  instinct  of  self 
preservation,  deeper  rooted  now  than  ever 
because  we  see  for  the  first  time  that  ou 
national  life  is  sound.  To  this  fundamenta 
instinct  the  spirit  of  useful  activities  unite 
itself,  because  it  perceives  that  the  work  o 
the  nation  is  good  and  remunerative ;  that  i 
increases  home  comforts  and  public  con 
veniences;  that  it  improves  our  educationa 
system ;  that  it  has  become  a  power  whic 
sweeps  us  on  toward  the  unknown  with  irre 
sistible  force,  obliging  us  to  remember  th 
past,  to  appreciate  the  present,  and  to  pre 
pare  for  the  future. 

"  2.  The  Unanimous  Wish  of  the  Coun 
try. 

"  As  the  end  of  each  presidential  term  ap 

proaches  these  doubts  arise,  and  after  th 

election  has  been  held,  enthusiasm  break 

178 


WHY  DIAZ  REMAINED   IN   POWER 

forth,  not  as  a  local  occurrence,  but  as  the 
spontaneous  expression  of  the  gratification 
of  the  whole  country,  nay,  even  the  whole 
world ;  for  there  is  no  country  to-day  upon 
which  the  attention  of  the  world  is  more 
fixed  than  it  is  upon  Mexico,  which  a  short 
time  ago  was  so  humiliated,  so  unfortunate, 
so  misunderstood,  but  to-day  is  envied  by 
some,  pointed  out  as  a  model  by  many,  and 
respected  by  all. 

"  This  universal  sympathy  comes  in  great 
part  from  the  admiration  which  foreigners 
feel  toward  our  distinguished  President,  and 
it  is  due  also  to  the  Mexican  people,  who  have 
been  wise  enough  to  appreciate  him  in  all 
his  greatness  while  he  yet  lives,  and  have 
identified  themselves  with  him  and  have 
placed  the  nation's  destiny  unreservedly  in 
his  hands. 

"  If  some  people  maintain  that  the  judg- 
ment of  foreigners  in  this  matter  is  of  little 
importance,  and  that  it  should  not  have  any 
influence  upon  our  national  politics,  I  reply 
179 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

that  there  can  be  no  greater  nor  more  dan- 
gerous error  than  this.  It  is  equally  true  of 
society  and  of  the  individual  that  public 
opinion  increases  or  lessens  power  accord- 
ing as  it  is  favorable  or  the  reverse;  and 
certainly  in  international  relations  the  ques- 
tion of  the  good  or  bad  reputation  of  a  nation 
is  a  most  important  factor  in  the  cultivation 
of  friendship,  commerce,  and  credit.  I  might 
almost  say  that  these  things  constitute  in- 
dispensable elements  in  the  life  and  pros- 
perity of  a  nation.  It  is  perfectly  right, 
therefore,  that  those  nations  which  have  in- 
terests in  Mexico,  whether  because  their  sub- 
jects have  settled  and  taken  up  their  occupa- 
tions in  Mexico,  or  because  they  have  capital 
in  private  industrial  enterprises  or  public 
works  or  any  other  vested  interest  in  our 
country,  should  be  greatly  concerned  in  our 
peace  and  prosperity,  and  in  the  maintenance 
at  the  head  of  the  Government  of  a  man  who 
gives  them  the  most  reliable  guarantee  of 
order  and  activity  in  the  country  and  of  hon- 
180 


WHY   DIAZ   REMAINED  IN   POWER 

est  government  and  the  fulfillment  of  con- 
tracts. 

"  That  this  general  opinion  is  most  favor- 
able to  General  Diaz  is  shown  by  the  praises 
of  the  press,  the  distinctions  and  honors 
which  have  been  conferred  upon  him,  and 
even  upon  his  chief  assistants. 

"  3.  The  Absolute  Necessity  that  General 

Diaz  Should  Finish  his  Work. 

» 

"  There  are  people,  I  know,  who  contend 
that  this  argument  is  false,  but  their  position 
is  based,  I  think,  upon  the  understanding  that 
we  mean  that  Mexico  will  reach  her  highest 
development  under  Diaz.  Nothing  is  farther 
from  our  thoughts,  for  as  readers  of  history 
we  know  very  well  that  nations  do  not  de- 
velop as  rapidly  as  individuals,  and  that  those 
which  quickly  reach  their  highest  develop- 
ment are  short-lived. 

"  A  work  of  the  kind  which  General  Diaz 

has  undertaken  is  by  its  very  nature  slow, 

and  all  that  he  expects  and  all  that  we  have 

a  right  to  expect  of  him  and  of  the  present 

181 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

generation  is  that  we  may  succeed  in  estab- 
lishing in  our  country  her  habit  of  life,  elim- 
inating all  disturbing  elements,  strengthen- 
ing the  principles  which  she  already  has, 
and  creating  new  ones  which  will  increase 
her  vitality,  thus  laying  substantial,  firm, 
and  immovable  foundations  upon  which 
shall  rest  the  superb  edifice  of  the  future." 

"  Some  people  tell  us  that  if  so  much  has 
been  accomplished  (assuredly  no  one  can 
doubt  this  assertion)  his  work  must  now  be 
completed.  But  this  is  not  so.  One  thing  is 
still  lacking. 

"As  yet  there  has  not  been  time  for  the 
root  so  favorably  planted  to  grow.  We  must 
accustom  ourselves  to  contemplate  what  has 
already  been  achieved  without  astonishment, 
though  not  without  gratitude,  in  order  that 
we  may  become  habituated  to  peace,  order, 
and  progress.  We  must  incorporate  these 
elements  so  firmly  in  our  national  organ- 
ization that  they  will  remain  there  for- 
182 


WHY  DIAZ  REMAINED  IN   POWER 

ever,  so  that  we  Mexicans  may  justly  believe 
that  all  this  progress  and  well-being  is  the 
collective  work  of  the  nation,  the  result  of 
our  own  will,  intelligence,  and  work,  even 
though  it  has  been  inaugurated  by  a  great 
man.  It  will  take  time,  I  repeat,  for  the  ef- 
fect which  has  been  made  upon  other  coun- 
tries and  the  respect,  referred  to  above,  to 
be  attributed  to  the  country  as  well  as  to 
its  noted  President.  But  I  am  sure  that 
to  bring  this  to  pass  is  to-day  the  great- 
est aspiration  of  General  Diaz,  for  to  him 
the  glory  of  his  country  is  the  supreme 
aim. 

"  Finally,  our  system  lacks  that  clearness, 
perfection  of  administrative  detail,  complete- 
ness, and  simplicity  which  is  necessary  in 
order  that  when  General  Diaz  relinquishes 
his  control  the  system  bequeathed  by  him  to 
the  nation  will  not  offer  difficulties,  or  leave 
room  for  strife,  still  less  end  in  disaster;  in 
order  that  his  successor  may  carry  on  the 
good  work  without  stumbling  and  without 
13  183 


POBFIEIO   DIAZ 

vacillation;  in  short,  that  there  may  be  no 
break  in  the  continuity  of  our  development, 
and  that  his  successor  may  find  all  important 
political,  economic,  and  social  problems  so 
well  solved  that  there  will  be  no  further  ne- 
cessity of  creation,  but  simply  the  need  of 
normal  growth ;  that  there  may  be  no  strug- 
gles to  undertake,  only  the  fruits  of  victory 
to  gather.  Thus,  even  if  the  new  president 
should  not  prove  to  be  a  man  of  excep- 
tional ability,  he  might,  nevertheless,  carry 
on  the  administration  successfully  and  per- 
petuate the  advantages  which  we  now 
enjoy. 

"  For  the  above  reasons,  I  agree  with  all 
classes  in  Mexico,  all  political  parties,  and  all 
foreign  powers  who  have  relations  with  Mex- 
ico, that  the  reelection  of  President  Diaz  is  a 
necessity." 

"  I  have  written  this  article,  not  to  sustain 

the  prestige  of  a  candidate,  whose  superiority 

no  one  questions,  and  whose  tenure  of  office 

184 


WHY  DIAZ  EEMAINED  IN   POWER 

necessity  imposes,  but  to  collect  and  bring 
to  a  focus  the  ideas  and  opinions  of  the  pub- 
lic at  large — to  make  a  composite  photo- 
graph of  them,  as  it  were — and  also  to 
correct  certain  errors,  current  among  for- 
eigners, which  at  first  sight  seem  to  be  favor- 
able to  General  Diaz,  but  which  in  reality 
belittle  his  greatness  and  make  the  public  of 
Mexico  appear  timid  and  servile." 

"  General  Diaz  has  plainly  shown,  during 
the  long  years  of  his  presidency,  that  he  is 
not  actuated  by  motives  of  ambition,  per- 
sonal profit,  or  party  aggrandizement,  but 
that  he  has  been  actuated  by  the  legitimate 
ambition  of  a  patriot,  and  has  exercised  his 
power  for  the  attainment  of  the  noblest  and 
highest  ends  for  which  a  patriot  can  work — 
the  welfare  of  the  country  as  a  whole.  The 
public,  which  from  the  first  almost  by  intui- 
tion rested  its  most  cherished  hopes  upon  its 
leader,  has  come  to  hold  as  an  inner  convic- 
tion, founded  on  reason  and  experience,  the 
most  ardent  faith  in  the  Government.  Just 
185 


POEFIEIO   DIAZ 

as  General  Diaz  thinks  that  his  greatest  glory 
is  the  good  of  the  people  whose  destinies 
he  controls,  so  we,  the  people,  think  on 
our  part  that  our  greatest  glory  is  to  work 
with  him,  each  one  according  to  his  ability, 
to  further  the  interests  and  aid  in  the  ag- 
grandizement of  our  country;  we  do  this 
with  the  inner  conviction  that  to  work  with 
determination  for  the  accomplishment  of  a 
noble  purpose  is  the  highest  aim  in  life,  the 
truest  form  of  happiness,  because  a  life  of 
activity  radiating  from  the  country  as  a  cen- 
ter and  coming  back  to  it,  is  the  realization  of 
the  highest  ideal  which  the  spirit  of  man  can 
conceive." 

When  I  wrote  the  above  I  was  not  laboring 
under  any  misconception  as  to  the  danger  of 
placing  in  the  hands  of  a  single  man  all  the 
power  of  Government,  nor  was  I  ignorant  of 
the  fact  that  in  so  doing  we  were  transferring 
our  liberties  to  the  hands  of  another.  But  at 
that  time  it  seemed  to  me  a  less  dangerous 
186 


WHY  DIAZ  REMAINED  IN  POWER 

risk  to  take  than  that  of  placing  a  new  man 
at  the  head  of  the  Government. 

Three  ways  were  open  to  us :  that  of  elect- 
ing a  new  man,  that  of  electing  a  president 
designated  by  General  Diaz,  and  that  of  re- 
electing  the  President  himself. 

The  first  I  considered  the  most  dangerous 
and  most  difficult  of  the  three  courses,  be- 
cause during  the  long  administration  of  Gen- 
eral Diaz  no  new  man  had  arisen,  properly 
speaking.  That  is  to  say,  no  man  had  arisen 
by  his  own  efforts  and  shown  any  especial 
ability  for  administration.  If  any  men  have 
become  distinguished,  it  has  been  only  under 
the  protection  and  sufferance  of  the  pres- 
ident, raised  from  obscurity  by  Diaz  himself, 
and  without  more  value  than  he  has  thought 
it  advisable  to  credit  them.  The  proof  of  this 
assertion  lies  in  the  fact  that  each  one  of 
them  has  come  to  nothing  as  soon  as  Diaz  has 
pushed  him  aside.  Although  it  may  well  be 
that  under  the  regime  of  cowardly  flattery 
which  obtains  among  us,  only  the  individuals 
187 


POBFIRIO   DIAZ 


whom  General  Diaz  has  raised  up  are  consid- 
ered great  and  those  whom  he  has  thrust 
down  are  belittled. 

In  following  the  second  course,  the  same 
objection  would  present  itself:  namely,  our 
lack  of  faith  in  the  personality  of  the  man 
who  might  be  designated  as  his  successor  by 
General  Diaz.  Furthermore,  if  the  incum- 
bent should  take  it  into  his  head  to  act  upon 
his  own  account,  he  would  become  by  that 
move  a  new  man  of  untried  ability.  If  he 
were  to  follow  General  Diaz's  orders  strictly, 
it  would  be  better  to  keep  on  with  General 
Diaz  himself  in  power,  appropriating  all  the 
glory  and  assuming  all  the  responsibility,  as 
he  now  does.  The  experiment  made  with 
General  Gonzalez  was  too  disastrous  an  un- 
dertaking to  repeat. 

The  third  course  being  the  safest  and  the 
most  satisfactory,  we  have  always  decided 
upon  it  and  reflected  President  Diaz. 

Then,  too,  we  have  always  cherished  the 
hope  that  General  Diaz  would  enter  upon  a 
188 


WHY  DIAZ  EEMAINED  IN   POWER 

new  phase,  and  extend  our  liberties  by  giving 
the  people  a  more  direct  participation  in  pub- 
lic affairs.  This  would  bring  out  our  latent 
administrative  abilities  and  allow  some  man 
to  develop  the  desired  qualities  of  leadership. 
This  was  our  expectation,  and  this  is  still 
our  hope. 


CHAPTER   IX 

IS  GENEBAL  DIAZ  A  TYRANT  OB  A  DESPOT? 
HOW  HE  HAS  BEEN  GOVERNING 

THE  manner  in  which  President  Diaz 
has  been  governing  and  his  repeated 
reflections    have    gained    for    him 
various  titles  according  to  the  point  of  view 
of  different  critics.    For  some  years  past  the 
North  American  press,  which  in  general  has 
v     shown  itself  as  distinctly  pro-Diaz  as  the 
vj    Mexicans  themselves,  has  been  in  the  habit 
of   calling   President   Diaz    "an   intelligent 
tyrant "  or  "  a  good  tyrant."  The  first  phrase 
is  admissible,  for  a  tyrant  may  be  intelligent, 
but  the  second  is  not,  for  goodness  and  tyr- 
anny are  incompatible  terms.    According  to 
the  precise  definition  of  the  Spanish  Acad- 
i     emy,  a  tyrant  is  "  one  who  unlawfully  seizes 
the  Government  of  a  state,  especially  if  he 
rules  arbitrarily  and  without  due  processes 
190 


IS  DIAZ  A   TYRANT   OR  A  DESPOT? 

of  law."  This  definition  embodies  both  the 
ancient  and  the  modern  significance  of 
the  word.  The  Greeks  called  anyone  who 
usurped  the  sovereign  power  a  "  tyrant,"  and 
that  is  the  original  meaning  of  the  word.  It* 
is  equivalent  to  "usurper,"  because  the 
significance  of  the  word  is  derived  from  the 
means  used  in  the  acquisition  of  power,  and 
does  not  refer  to  the  manner  in  which  the 
power  was  exercised.  The  case  of  Pisistratus 
might  be  cited  as  proof,  for  he  was  called 
"  tyrant,"  although  he  was  neither  unjust  nor 
violent  in  his  methods  of  government ;  while, 
on  the  other  hand,  this  title  was  not  used  in 
speaking  of  Persian  kings,  notwithstanding 
the  fact  that  they  were  truly  tyrannical  in  the 
modern  sense.  But  as  usurpation  gener- 
ally leads  to  violence,  the  Greek  themselves 
later  on  used  the  word  in  the  sense  of  a  re- 
proach, and  this  meaning  has  persisted  down 
to  our  own  times.  So  that  in  all  modern  lan- 
guages the  epithet  is  applied  to  those  who 
govern  with  cruelty  and  injustice,  without 
191 


4 


POBFIRIO   DIAZ 

respect  for  laws,  either  human  or  divine,  even 
though  they  may  not  have  usurped  the  power. 
Henry  VIII  of  England  is  an  example.  Thus 
it  appears  that  there  cannot  be  any  such 

I    thing  as  a  "  good  tyrant,"  because  the  words 
« are  mutually  exclusive.    But  the  term  is  not 

/  applicable  to  General  Diaz  in  either  accepta- 
tion, because  he  did  not  obtain  power  by 

!  usurpation,  but  through  a  legally  sanctioned 
election,  and  he  has  not  governed  with  cru- 
elty, injustice,  or  disregard  of  law.  He  is, 
therefore,  not  a  tyrant  either  in  his  manner 
of  coming  into  power  or  in  his  practice  as  a 
ruler. 

Let  us  see  whether  the  epithet  of  "good 
despot,"  which  has  been  applied  to  him  by 
some  writers,  will  fit  him  better!  In  its 
original  sense  "  despot "  meant  "  master  "  or 
"lord"  (SecrTroTTjs  in  Greek).  This  title  was 
given  in  ancient  times  to  persons  who  exer- 
cised the  supreme  control  in  certain  coun- 
tries, and  to-day  signifies  a  sovereign  who 
governs  in  his  own  right,  without  subjection 
192 


IS  DIAZ  A  TYRANT   OR  A  DESPOT? 

to  any  law  or  constitution — an  absolute  mon- 
arch, as  we  would  call  him. 

From  the  legal  point  of  view  this  is  not  the 
case  with  General  Diaz,  for  he  governs  in  the 
name  of  the  Constitution.  Though  as  a  mat- 
ter of  fact  he  governs  by  virtue  of  the  extra- 
ordinary confidence  which  he  inspires,  and 
under  a  sort  of  tacit  understanding  between 
the  governed  and  the  governor.  At  the  end 
of  each  presidential  term  there  has  been 
something  more  than  an  expression  of  tolera- 
tion of  his  manner  of  governing;  there  has 
been  most  enthusiastic  approbation,  unmis- 
takable and  reiterated  after  each  reelection. 
More  than  this,  there  have  been  frequently 
conferred  upon  him,  under  different  forms, 
unusual  powers,  to  be  applied  in  all  branches 
of  public  administration.  These  powers  were 
bestowed  by  Congress,  in  its  character  of 
legitimate  public  representative  and  in  the 
form  of  a  sovereignty,  for  the  use  of  which 
the  Executive  was  to  render  account  in  due 
time.  Congress  itself  was  to  decide  whether 
193 


POBFIEIO   DIAZ 

it  should  bestow  or  withhold  its  approval.  A 
study  of  the  situation  and  of  the  vicissitudes 
through  which  the  country  was  passing  will 
reveal  the  fact  that  it  was  necessary  to  do 
this. 

The  instinct  of  the  people,  the  experience 
acquired  by  its  rulers,  the  desire  for  peace, 
for  progress,  and  for  prosperity,  obliged  the 
two  opposing  groups,  the  Liberal  and  the 
Eeactionary  parties,  to  lay  aside  their  hostile 
attitude,  give  up  their  bickerings  over  ab- 
stract principles,  and  confine  their  efforts 
to  the  field  of  the  actual  and  the  practical. 
No  one  any  longer  dared  to  shout,  "  Let  the 
colonies  perish,  but  save  our  principles " ; 
everyone  was  ready  to  accept  the  dictum  that 
we  must  first  provide  for  existence  and  af- 
terwards consider  what  sort  of  an  existence 
it  should  be. 

It  was  then  seen,  as  I  have  already  ex- 
plained, that  the  principle  of  a  single  term 
without  reelection  had  its  serious  objections, 
and  the  clause  in  the  Constitution  forbidding 
194 


IS  DIAZ  A   TYRANT   OR  A  DESPOT? 

this  was  changed  to  meet  the  necessities  of 
the  situation.  All  were  ready  to  see  their 
declaration  of  principles  and  even  some  of 
their  rights  disregarded,  in  order  to  bring 
about  the  one  end  which  all  agreed  was  of 
paramount  importance,  namely,  peace. 

This  fervent  desire  for  peace  began  in  the 
time  of  Juarez,  when  the  Empire  had  been 
destroyed,  and  with  it  the  Reactionary  party. 
Juarez  himself  would  have  courted  peace, 
if  we  Porfirists  had  not  hindered  him  with 
our  systematic  and  unbridled  opposition  and 
our  disorderly  outbreaks.  But  it  is  note- 
worthy that,  in  spite  of  all  our  efforts,  we  did 
not  succeed  in  overthrowing  the  "  Grand  Old 
Indian  of  Gueletao  " ;  this  was  due  in  large 
measure  to  the  fact  that  the  public  was  tired 
of  strife  and  longed  for  peace. 

During  the  administration  of  Lerdo  the 
situation  was  not  far  different.  The  Porfirist 
Revolution  was  not  really  popular,  and,  as  I 
have  already  said,  Lerdo  fell  more  on  account 
of  his  own  apathy  and  skepticism  than  be- 
195 


POBFIBIO   DIAZ 

cause  of  any  popular  sympathy  with  the 
Kevolution.    The  public  wanted  peace. 

Porfirio  Diaz  arrived  at  tKe  propitious 
moment  and  satisfied  this  general  desire. 
The  public  knew  that  all  the  disorderly  ele- 
ments of  the  population  were  at  the  command 
of  this  man,  and  that  as  long  as  he  remained 
in  power  there  would  be  nothing  to  fear  from 
them.  Furthermore,  they  understood  that  it 
was  for  the  public  interest  to  retain  General 
Diaz  in  the  presidency,  that  the  seeds  of 
revolution  might  not  be  again  scattered 
broadcast.  After  the  death-dealing  day  of 
June  25,  1879,  of  which  I  have  already 
spoken,  even  the  Porfirists  themselves  were 
cowed,  and  have  ever  since  remained  in  com- 
plete subjection  to  their  leader.  There  have 
been  no  further  serious  conspiracies.  Gen- 
eral Garcia  de  la  Cadena  was  the  last  to  ven- 
ture a  return  to  the  old  practices,  and  his 
foolish  attempt  came  to  naught;  for  at  the 
very  outset  he  fell  into  a  skillfully  laid  trap 
and  lost  his  life.  He  was  the  "  Last  of  the 
196 


IS  DIAZ  A  TYEANT  OR  A  DESPOT? 

Mohicans."  Since  then  terror  on  the  one  side 
and  a  sincere  desire  for  peace  and  prosperity 
on  the  other  have  prevented  further  upris- 
ings. The  choice  lay  between  Revolution  and 
Dictatorship,  and  the  people  unanimously 
chose  to  lay  aside  the  musket  and  submit  to 
the  yoke. 

But  President  Diaz  did  not  at  once  insti- 
tute a  system  of  sic  volo,  sic  jubeo  absolut- 
ism. He  based  his  power  upon  the  Consti- 
tution of  1857,  and  from  the  first  has  been 
gradually  modifying  it,  until  he  has  adjusted 
it  to  suit  his  purpose.  His  government  was 
actually  and  undeniably  personal,  but  he 
knew  very  well  how  to  cover  up  appearances 
and  make  the  public  believe  that  all  were 
taking  part  more  or  less  directly  in  public 
affairs.  His  tactics  were  very  simple.  When 
he  conceived  a  plan,  he  talked  it  over  with  the 
secretary  of  the  branch  it  affected,  and,  if 
the  matter  were  important,  he  called  together 
his  whole  Cabinet,  and  each  member  ex- 
pressed his  opinion  with  entire  freedom.  On 
197 


POBFIKIO   DIAZ 

questions  of  transcendent  importance  lie  in- 
directly consulted  public  opinion  through  the 
medium  of  the  press,  or  named  special 
commissioners,  who  reported  their  conclu- 
sions to  him.  On  such  occasions,  the  Presi- 
ident  listened  attentively  to  all  that  was  said, 
and  quietly  and  dispassionately  discussed 
each  point,  without  undervaluing  any  sensi- 
ble argument,  no  matter  from  what  quarter 
it  came.  As  soon  as  his  mind  had  been  made 
up,  he  sent  to  Congress  a  draft  of  the  pro- 
posed law,  and  at  the  request  of  the  legis- 
lative committee  of  Congress  he  granted  them 
a  hearing,  and  the  whole  matter  was  dis- 
cussed from  all  points  of  view.  As  all  were 
animated  by  the  desire  to  arrive  at  the  best 
passible  solution  of  the  matter,  the  draft  was 
modified,  altered,  or  left  intact,  according  to 
their  best  judgment.  The  President  not  only 
discussed  the  projected  law  with  the  mem- 
bers of  the  legislative  committee,  but  also 
with  any  senators  or  congressmen  who  re- 
quested an  audience.  The  result  of  this 
198 


IS  DIAZ  A  TYRANT  OE  A  DESPOT? 

method  of  procedure  was  that  when  a  de- 
cision had  once  been  reached,  the  projected 
law  had  been  examined,  discussed,  and  re- 
vised, not  only  by  the  Executive,  but  by  a 
large  part  of  the  members  of  both  houses, 
and  it  therefore  passed  without  wrangling, 
and  -usually  with  little  or  no  amendment. 
This  method  simplified  the  work  of  Con- 
gress and  obviated  the  conflicts  between  the 
two  legislative  bodies  and  between  the  legis- 
lative and  executive  departments  and,  best 
of  all,  suppressed  parliamentary  discussions, 
which  were  considered  dangerous  by  the 
President,  on  account  of  the  fieriness  of  the 
national  character  and  its  susceptibility  to 
eloquence  and  passion,  which  makes  it  unable 
to  confine  itself  to  safe  limits  for  a  system  of 
the  kind  which  was  being  established.  This 
method  also  had  the  effect  of  preventing  the 
development  of  important  individual  figures 
in  Congress  and  about  them  such  groups  as 
those  which  gave  President  Juarez  so  much 
trouble. 

14  199 


POBFIRIO   DIAZ 

This  system  is  impractical,  unless  the  leg- 
islative body  is  perfectly  under  control. 

In  all  quarters  of  the  world,  even  in  those 
countries  which  have  the  greatest  electoral 
freedom,  such  as  England  and  the  United 
States,  the  Government  endeavors,  either 
directly  or  through  the  medium  of  its 
party  leaders,  to  control  primaries  and  con- 
ventions, in  order  that  the  result  of  the 
elections  may  be  favorable  to  such  candi- 
dates as  it  can  count  upon  for  support. 
Because  no  system  of  administration  can 
work  successfully  against  the  opposition 
of  a  hostile  Parliament.  In  those  countries 
which  have  a  strictly  parliamentary  rule,  this 
difficulty  is  obviated  by  a  change  of  ministry 
to  suit  the  majority  party;  thus  serious  situ- 
ations are  avoided.  But  in  countries  like  our 
own  and  the  United  States  a  different  sys- 
tem is  followed.  There  is  no  such  recourse 
to  fall  back  upon,  or  at  least  it  is  very  sel- 
dom used.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  in  the  United 
States  there  is  no  such  thing  as  a  change  of 
200 


IS   DIAZ  A   TYRANT   OR  A  DESPOT? 

Cabinet  on  account  of  congressional  opposi- 
tion, because  the  theory  is  that  the  president 
constitutes  the  executive  branch  and  not  the 
ministers.  While  in  restricted  monarchies 
and  in  France  the  ministers  constitute  the 
real  governing  power.  In  Mexico,  whenever 
we  have  interpreted  the  Constitution  differ- 
ently from  the  American  practice  (our  Con- 
stitution is  an  exact  copy  of  that  of  the 
United  States),  there  have  been  frequent 
changes  of  the  Cabinet,  but  no  beneficial  re- 
sults. General  Diaz's  plan  would  have  been 
impossible  in  the  form  in  which  many  people 
said  it  ought  to  have  been  carried  out.  His 
government  has  been  successful  precisely 
because  he  has  changed  it  from  a  centrifugal 
to  a  centripetal  system. 

In  this  way  it  has  come  about  that  the 
Legislative  power  has  been  little  by  little 
delegated  to  the  President,  and  the  Judicial 
power  has  been  going  the  same  way,  as  all 
matters  connected  with  politics  or  the  inter- 
ests of  the  administration  have  been  referred 
201 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

to  him,  so  that  in  the  Judiciary,  as  well  as  in 
all  the  other  parts  of  the  complicated  machin- 
ery, to  which  I  have  already  referred,  the 
president  constitutes  the  main  pivot  upon 
which  they  all  turn. 

This  places  the  administration  of  justice, 
as  well  as  all  other  departments,  under  cen- 
tral control.  In  order  to  better  accomplish 
this  object  the  Constitution  was  amended, 
and  the  President  of  the  Supreme  Court 
was  divested  of  his  office  of  Vice-Presi- 
dent  of  the  Republic,  a  doubling  up  of  offices 
which  caused  such  serious  difficulties  and 
political  catastrophes  in  the  time  of  Juarez, 
of  Lerdo,  and  even  of  President  Diaz's  first 
term. 

The  Judiciary  has  been,  and  is  still,  called 
a  "Power,"  just  as  the  Legislature  is,  but 
both  of  these  bodies  have  been  disarmed  and 
are  therefore  impotent.  In  reality,  they  are 
to-day  nothing  more  than  branches  of  the 
Executive. 

The  case  of  the  public  itself  is  not  far 
202 


IS  DIAZ  A  TYRANT  OB  A  DESPOT? 

different.  For  it  has  been  gradually  hand- 
ing over  its  electoral  power  to  the  President, 
first  by  asking  his  advice  as  to  whom  they 
should  elect;  later  by  receiving  his  orders 
and  thus  losing  their  interest  in  going  to  the 
polls;  finally  by  forcing  the  Government  to 
hold  elections  on  its  own  account  in  order 
to  prevent  the  country  from  falling  into  the 
dilemma  of  becoming  a  nation  without  a 
head. 

Let  us  now  pass  to  the  consideration  of  the 
government  of  the  states.  When  a  governor 
is  to  be  elected  or  reflected,  delegations  rep- 
resenting all  classes  go  to  the  Capital  to  ask 
of  the  President  his  moral  support  for  their 
candidate,  or  at  least  to  inquire  whether  their 
nominee  is  persona  grata.  These  very  in- 
dividuals are  the  ones  who  afterwards 
guide  the  elections,  and,  as  they  are  the 
leaders  of  the  localities  in  which  they  live, 
they  achieve  a  complete  triumph;  there  be- 
ing no  chance  for  disagreement  after  they 
have  all,  tacitly  or  by  arrangement,  fixed 
203 


POEFIEIO   DIAZ 

upon  a  candidate  or  decided  not  to  enter  the 
struggle. 

Following  this  method,  not  at  the  solicita- 
tion of  General  Diaz,  but  fostered  by  him, 
there  has  been  established  through  contin- 
ued practice  a  custom  which  has  invalidated 
the  sovereignty  of  the  individual  states.  In 
truth,  one  must  acknowledge  that  this  sov- 
iereignty  is  an  absurdity.  Pomeroy  says, 
with  abundant  reason,  in  his  "  Constitutional 
Law  " :  "  It  is  impossible  to  maintain  that  a 
state  of  the  Union  is  an  independent  and 
separate  political  entity;  it  has  no  intrinsic 
Legislative  power ;  its  functions  of  govern- 
ment are  limited,  not  only  by  its  own  Con- 
stitution, but  by  that  of  the  Union.  It  can 
neither  amend  nor  amplify  its  own  funda- 
mental law,  because  it  is  limited  by  the  su- 
preme law  of  the  nation,  which  it  cannot 
override.  Instead  of  enjoying  the  power  of 
sovereignty  as  an  independent  political  so- 
ciety, each  state  finds  itself  in  a  position  of 
permanent  subordination."  We  must  not 
204 


IS  DIAZ  A  TYEANT  OE  A  DESPOT? 

overlook  the  significant  fact  that  it  is  a  North 
American  who  writes  thus  and  that  he  is  re- 
ferring to  the  United  States,  the  freest  coun- 
try in  the  world,  and  the  one  from  which  we 
have  derived  our  Constitution. 

The  individual  states  certainly  cannot  have 
either  sovereignty  or  independence,  properly 
speaking;  but  they  do  have  liberty,  because 
they  are  federal  entities,  free  to  move  within 
the  sphere  of  action  which  the  Constitution 
has  laid  down  for  them.  I  sincerely  believe 
that  a  confederation  of  sovereign  states  can- 
not constitute  a  nation  in  the  true  sense,  be- 
cause the  first  condition,  that  of  national 
entity,  is  violated.  Where  the  sovereignty 
is  divided  there  can  be  neither  power,  respon- 
sibility, nor  harmonious  action.  When  I  am 
in  Vera  Cruz  or  Jalisco,  I  have  never  thought 
of  myself  as  living  under  the  flag  of  Vera 
Cruz  or  Jalisco,  but  under  the  Mexican  flag 
and  under  the  protection  of  the  laws  of  my 
country.  The  conception  of  a  group  of  sov- 
ereign states  is  revolutionary  and  destruc- 
205 


POEFIEIO   DIAZ 

tive  of  patriotism  the  moment  it  tends  to 
divide  allegiance  instead  of  unifying  it;  and 
in  so  far  as  it  does  this,  it  weakens  rather 
than  strengthens  the  country. 

One  of  General  Diaz's  greatest  claims  to 
gratitude,  one  of  the  highest  services  he  has 
rendered  the  country,  is  that  of  having  modi- 
fied this  erroneous  conception;  it  is  due  to 
him  that  we  no  longer  have  Sonorans,  Oax- 
acans,  Yucatanians,  and  Michoacans,  but 
Mexicans,  from  one  end  of  the  Eepublic  to 
the  other.  In  order  to  bring  about  this 
change,  it  has  not  been  necessary  to  violate 
the  Constitution  or  any  law  of  the  land.  All 
that  had  to  be  done  to  give  to  our  institutions 
their  true  character  was  to  correct  abuses 
and  to  reduce  everything  to  reasonable  pro- 
portions. It  is  incontrovertible  that  all 
measures  necessary  for  the  preservation  of 
order  may  properly  be  considered  to  fall 
within  the  legislative  rights  of  a  nation. 
But  legislators  are  in  a  sound  position 
only  when  they  see  to  it  that  the  laws  are 
206 


IS  DIAZ  'A   TYRANT   OE  A  DESPOT? 

restricted  to  those  which  are  necessary  to 
insure  order. 

The  rectification  of  our  conception  of  the 
sovereignty  and  independence  of  states  has 
been  brought  about  without  disturbing  the 
principle  of  liberty  to  govern  their  own  in- 
ternal affairs  within  the  limits  prescribed  by 
the  Constitution.  But  at  the  same  time  the 
governors  have  actually  given  up  some  of 
their  powers,  and  in  their  desire  to  cooperate 
more  effectively  in  the  work  of  nationaliza- 
tion, they  have  ended  by  turning  themselves 
into  federal  officials,  dependent  upon  the 
central  government,  by  which  they  are  in 
reality  designated. 

The  governors,  in  their  turn,  have  followed 
the  same  practice  within  their  respective 
states,  nominating  the  members  of  the  Legis- 
lative and  Judicial  bodies,  and  even  the 
Municipal  officials,  thus  completing  the  sys- 
tem, and  creating  a  single  political  and 
administrative  machine  of  colossal  size, 
extending  over  the  whole  Eepublic  and 
207 


POBFIRIO   DIAZ 

manipulated  by  the  power  of  the  individual 
at  the  center. 

I  doubt  whether  General  Diaz,  when  he 
was  elected  for  his  second  term,  had  con- 
ceived this  vast  plan,  but  I  think  affairs  were 
gradually  tending  in  this  direction  on  account 
of  the  anxiety  for  peace  and  the  eagerness 
for  material  progress  which  had  taken  pos- 
session of  the  nation;  and  the  movement 
toward  centralization,  already  begun,  was 
favored  by  the  President  and  skillfully  pro- 
moted as  the  best  means  of  accomplishing 
his  far-reaching  plan. 

The  people  were  quick  to  see  that  the  more 
power  they  conceded  to  the  President,  the 
greater  became  the  material  prosperity  of  the 
country  and  the  more  broad  and  comfortable 
their  own  lives.  Under  these  influences  they 
were  induced  to  lay  aside  their  liberties,  one 
might  almost  say  to  abjure  them  altogether, 
in  order  to  give  themselves  up  to  the  enjoy- 
ment of  their  happy  lot. 

Some  writers  have  said  to  the  Mexicans, 
208 


IS  DIAZ  A   TYRANT   OB  A  DESPOT? 

who  boast  so  much  of  their  Democracy: 
"  Monarchy  is  not  merely  the  existence  of  a 
king,  but  a  centralization  of  power."  The 
people  have  replied  that  what  they  cared 
about  was  the  name,  not  the  thing  itself ;  and 
that  peace  and  bread  meant  more  to  them  than 
all  else.  In  vain  they  have  been  told,  "  Peace 
not  only  implies  order,  but  liberty  as  well." 
The  people  have  answered :  "  Without  peace 
there  is  no  bread,  and  without  bread  no  lib- 
erty." In  vain  has  it  been  pointed  out  that 
"  repeated  reelection  is  the  method,  '  pacif- 
ism '  the  lure  by  means  of  which  the  way  is 
paved  for  the  preconceived  end,  the  one 
completes  the  other."  The  people  reply  that 
they  are  tired  of  experiments  and  that  they 
put  up  with  things  as  they  exist  because,  if  it 
is  not  good,  it  is  at  least  the  best  that  they 
have  had,  and  it  assures  them  bread.  In  vain 
has  it  been  explained  that  "  although  the  mul- 
titude of  railroads,  tunnels,  gigantic  bridges, 
good  highways,  palaces,  and  countless  other 
evidences  of  material  progress,  rising  as  if 
209 


PORFIBIO   DIAZ 

by  magic  from  the  bosom  of  the  earth,  bear 
striking  witness  to  the  advantages  of  '  pacif- 
ism'; it  is  nevertheless  true  that  all  this  is 
only  for  the  purpose  of  astonishing  the  en- 
slaved multitude  into  believing  that  all  these 
portents,  almost  miracles,  are  the  natural  and 
predestined  fruit  of  peace — of  sacred  peace, 
which  has  had  to  traverse  a  long  via  crucis 
of  bitterness  and  tears."  The  public  replies 
that  it  has  always  traversed  this  via  crucis 
without  having  the  consolation  of  material 
progress  and  comfortable  life ;  that  this  sys- 
tem has  given  them  and  will  continue  to  give 
them  bread.  Always  and  forever  tjie  same 
reply  with  this  irrefutable  logic  of  bread. 
"  One  can  live  without  liberty,  but  not  with- 
out bread ! " 

President  Diaz,  realizing  the  situation,  has 
taken  good  care  that  there  should  be  no  lack 
of  bread,  even  for  his  enemies.  Should  one 
ask  the  rich  banker  whether  he  prefers  the 
past  to  the  present,  he  will,  in  spite  of  the 
natural  tendency  of  human  nature  to  think 
210 


IS  DIAZ  A   TYRANT   OR  A  DESPOT? 

that  the  past  is  always  better  than  the  pres- 
ent, answer,  "  No,"  because  his  business  is 
better  now  than  ever.  The  same  reply  will 
be  received  from  merchants,  landowners, 
artists,  artisans,  men  of  the  city,  men  of  the 
country,  and  even  from  the  humblest  peas- 
ant whose  hut  the  revolutionaries  burned, 
whose  family  were  outraged,  and  whose 
"  burro  "  was  stolen,  and  he  himself  tricked 
into  becoming  a  soldier  in  order  that  he 
might  serve  as  food  for  cannon. 

If  one  says  in  Mexico  that  every  Octavius 
becomes  an  Augustus,  and  after  every  Augus- 
tus comes  a  Tiberius,  a  Caligula,  a  Claudius, 
a  Nero,  there  are  plenty  to  reply  that  every 
Cromwell  becomes  a  Lord  Protector  and  pre- 
pares the  way  for  a  Charles  II,  and  that 
every  Eevolution  is  followed  by  a  Reign  of 
Terror,  and  every  Terrorism  by  a  Napoleon. 

It  is  the  normal  condition  of  people  to 

think  more  about  the  present,  which  they  can 

understand  and  which  means  everything  to 

them,  than  of  the  future,  which  is  a  matter 

211 


POKFIRIO   DIAZ 

of  conjecture,  and  affects  them  less  than  it 
does  those  who  come  after.  But  there  is 
one  thing  which  no  Mexican  can  fail  to  see: 
that  to-day  we  are  respected  by  all  the 
nations  who  yesterday  looked  down  upon  us ; 
to-day  we  are  given  a  place  of  honor  in  all 
international  conclaves,  in  all  scientific  con- 
gresses ;  we  are  mentioned  wherever  nation- 
al honor,  science,  order,  progress,  civiliza- 
tion, peace,  concord,  or  any  great  and  noble 
sentiment  or  interest  of  humanity  is  dis- 
cussed; we  are  always  represented  and  well 
received,  and  frequently  our  Capital  is 
chosen  as  the  place  in  which  to  hold  inter- 
national congresses. 

Is  there  any  room  for  shadows  in  this  pic- 
ture f  Yes ;  but  that  is  true  of  every  picture. 
There  is  always  the  question,  however, 
whether  all  this  material  and  moral  progress 
has  not  cost  too  much?  Of  course  we  all 
know  that  nothing  is  gained  without  some 
outlay.  But  really  the  question  is  not  "  How 
much  has  it  cost? "  but  "  Is  the  return  worth 
212 


IS  DIAZ  A  TYRANT  OR  A  DESPOT? 

the  outlay?"  In  all  this  advance,  has  not 
much  been  lost  and  trampled  underfoot?  I 
think  so.  For  in  the  triumphal  procession 
of  the  car  of  progress,  every  one  who  tries 
to  stop,  or  even  change,  its  course,  is  run 
over  and  crushed,  whether  he  be  brave  or 
stupid  or  ignorant. 

But  can  all  this  advance  be  the  work  of 
one  man?  No  such  movement  can  ever  be 
singular  in  its  character.  A  commander  in 
chief,  even  if  he  measures  to  the  exceptional 
height  of  a  Napoleon,  cannot  triumph  in  a 
campaign  alone.  General  Diaz  understood 
this  well.  His  long  military  career  had 
taught  him  its  truth  and  he  knew  how  to 
apply  the  lesson  in  his  civil  capacity.  He 
chose  his  captains,  so  to  speak,  and  began 
by  organizing  and  disciplining  an  army  of 
peace.  When  he  had  accomplished  its  or- 
ganization, he  began  his  campaign,  relying, 
not  upon  his  good  fortune,  nor  his  hopes, 
but  upon  his  insight,  his  perspicuity,  and 
his  forceful  and  indomitable  will. 
213 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

He  transferred  the  struggle  to  another  field 
of  operations.  In  the  former,  those  who  were 
ready  in  action  rose  and  succeeded  best.  In 
this,  different  aptitudes  are  required,  an- 
other sort  of  knowledge,  and  different  weap- 
ons. Boldness  alone  is  not  sufficient;  one 
must  also  have  knowledge  and  patience. 
Force  alone  is  not  enough;  one  must  also 
possess  ability.  Those  who  doubt,  those  who 
vacillate,  those  who  slip,  those  who  fall, 
drop  to  the  rear  or  perish.  Whose  fault 
is  it?  That  of  the  system?  No!  The  will 
of  the  individual  is  at  fault  on  one  side, 
and  the  universal  and  eternal  law  on  the 
other  side. 

It  is  said  that  a  reign  of  plutocracy  has 
been  inaugurated  in  Mexico.     This  is  true, 
but  the  phenomenon  is  not  local,  it  is  gen- 
eral.   In  all  countries  of  the  civilized  world, 
/plutocracy  has  taken  the  place  of  aristocracy, 
and  the  former  rules.    It  is  no  less  true  of 
the  American  Federal  Eepublic  than  it  is  I 
of  the  centralized  Eepublic   of  France   or 
214 


IS  DIAZ  A   TYRANT   OE  A  DESPOT? 

of  the  constitutional  monarchy  of  Great 
Britain;  and  every  plutocracy  is  conserv; 
ative. 

It  is  said  that  fortunes  have  been  made  in 
a  day — colossal  fortunes  of  tainted  wealth— 
and  it  is  certainly  true ;  it  is  equally  true  that 
this  has  happened  everywhere.  But  all  these 
are  secondary  considerations.  The  important 
thing  is  to  know  whether  the  benefits  it  has 
bequeathed  to  us  are  worth,  in  a  material 
sense,  the  wealth  they  have  cost ;  whether,  in 
short,  they  have  actually  brought  us  that 
which  is  more  useful.  But,  you  will  object, 
that  the  issue  I  raise  is  not  a  moral  one.  I 
am  well  aware  of  that;  quite  the  contrary, 
it  is  eminently  practical,  and,  above  all,  it 
is  an  unalterable  fact. 

As  a  general  thing,  the  people  do  not  com- 
plain so  much  of  the  millions  of  dollars  which 
are  stolen  from  them  as  they  do  when  their 
liberties  are  juggled  with.  They  are  more 
than  right  in  this.  The  loss  of  many  millions 
is  insignificant  compared  with  the  loss  of  a 
is  215 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

single  one  of  our  public  liberties.  Our  lib- 
erties are  so  closely  connected  and  inter- 
twined with  one  another  that  the  destruction 
of  one  must  necessarily  mean  the  ruin  of  all. 
In  truth,  there  are  no  such  things  as  liberties, 
there  is  only  LIBERTY. 


CHAPTER  X 

PRESENT   CONDITIONS   IN    MEXICO 


A 


S  we  have  seen,  there  has  been  going  \ 
on  in  Mexico  a  process  of  concen-  ] 
tration,  with  one  man  as  its  center.  I 
This  man  was  the  product  of  the  warlike  con- 
ditions which  were  the  necessary  consequence 
of  more  than  sixty  years  of  internal  revolu- 
tion.    The  situation  was  exactly  the  same 
with  Julius  Caesar  in  Eome.    It  would 
been  impossible  to  bring  about  this  concen- 
tration through  violent  means,  for  a  legal 
dictatorship  could  not  have  been  built  up 
through  violence.    It  could  only  be,  as  it  was 
in  this  case,  the  result  of  continuous  and 
skillful  manipulation;  restrictions  each  time 
drawn  closer,  but  in  a  manner  which  would 
flatter  the  Eeactionary  party  without  alarm- 
ing the  Jacobins. 

Diaz  severed  the  various  states  from  their 
217 


POBFIRIO   DIAZ 

respective  local  governments  and  bound  them 
to  the  central  Government.  He  made  the 
national  palace  a  "  Capitol."  Beginning  with 
a  military  oligarchy,  he  ended  with  an  au- 
tocracy. He  had  the  wisdom  not  to  disavow 
the  Constitution  of  1857,  but  to  set  it  up  as 
a  sacred  standard,  which  he  constantly  in- 
voked and  as  constantly  modified,  not  in  order 
to  keep  within  constitutional  limits,  but  in 
order  to  mould  the  Constitution  to  suit  his 
own  purposes. 

I  do  not  believe  that  he  deceived  anybody 
or  even  attempted  deception.  His  action  was 
open,  and  his  intention  sufficiently  clear. 
Everybody  understood  what  he  was  aiming 
at;  many  denounced  and  protested,  but  no- 
body dared  to  take  the  responsibility  of  stop- 
ping him.  On  the  contrary,  concession  after 
concession  was  made  with  undeniable  good 
will.  I  have  already  shown  the  reason  for 
this;  there  was  hunger  for  bread  and  thirst 
for  peace,  and  everything  was  sacrificed  to 
these  two  irrepressible  demands.  These  acts 
218 


PRESENT   CONDITIONS   IN   MEXICO 

were  justified  on  the  ground  that  it  was 
our  first  duty  to  reestablish  the  physical 
strength  of  the  nation. 

It  has  been  asserted  that  this  attitude 
destroyed  public  spirit.  Even  the  Govern- 
ment became  alarmed,  as  was  shown  in  1906, 
when  difficulties  arose  with  the  United  States 
regarding  the  position  assumed  by  the  North 
American  press  hostile  to  Mexico,  on  the 
ground  that  a  general  uprising  had  been 
planned  for  the  purpose  of  reenacting  the 
Sicilian  Vespers  and  slaughtering  all  the 
Americans  in  the  country. 

A  cabinet  meeting  was  held  to  discuss  the 
question  whether  such  apathy  might  not 
prove  disastrous  in  case  of  war  with  our 
neighbor  at  the  north.  The  prevailing  opin- 
ion was  that  public  spirit  in  Mexico  was  not 
dead,  but  sleeping. 

I  take  a  still  more  optimistic  view;  I  be- 
lieve it  is  beginning  to  awake.  Now  that 
"the  hunger  for  bread  and  the  thirst  for 
peace  "  have  been  satiated,  I  think  that  the 
219 


POBFIRIO   DIAZ 

1  public  is  beginning  to  feel  a  hunger  for  jus- 
tice and  a  thirst  for  freedom.  When  a  coun- 
try forswears  its  liberties  and  foregoes  its 
right  to  self-government,  and  has  not  learned 
to  adapt  itself  to  the  more  liberal  doctrine 
that  the  interest  of  the  whole  country  must 
be  the  interest  of  each  individual ;  when  citi- 
l^  zens  of  the  middle  class  return  to  their  fire- 
sides, imagining  that  to  profess  a  lack  of 
interest  in  politics  is  to  show  practical  wis- 
dom, it  is  because  they  fail  to  appreciate  that 
politics  involve  our  life  blood,  our  money, 
our  honor.  When  a  country  does  not  know 
how  to  defend  her  liberties,  and  places  her- 
self under  the  protection  of  a  "  Man  of  Des- 
tiny," the  outcome  is  sure  to  be  that  which 
we  have  just  seen :  "  Disintegration  and  de- 
moralization." Who  makes  this  assertion, 
you  will  say,  a  demagogue?  No;  an  advo- 
cate of  civil  order;  a  nobleman,  the  Duke  of 
Audiffret-Pasquier. 

A  country  ought  to  know  better  than  to 
give  itself  over  body  and  soul  to  a  single 
220 


SENORA  DONA   CARMEN   ROMERO  RUBIO  DE  DIAZ,  WIFE 
OF  PRESIDENT  PORFIRIO  DIAZ. 


PRESENT   CONDITIONS   IN    MEXICO 

individual,  no  matter  who  the  man  or  what 
the  circumstances.  Again  you  will  ask, 
"  Who  makes  such  assertions  ?  "  A  pretend- 
er, a  man  of  the  opposition  party,  a  can- 
didate? No;  M.  Thiers,  President  of  the 
Republic  of  France. 

The  words  which  I  repeat  we  once  knew 
well;  in  fact,  they  were  engraved  upon  our 
memory  before  Diaz  became  president.  They 
were  a  part  of  the  creed  of  the  Liberal  party, 
and  especially  of  the  Porfirist  faction;  they 
were  written  upon  the  revolutionary  banner 
raised  at  the  time  of  the  "  Plan  de  la  Noria  " 
and  the  uprising  against  Juarez,  and  at  the 
time  of  the  "Plan  de  Tuxtepec"  and  the 
uprising  against  Lerdo. 

When  we  gave  up  our  rights  we  were  not 
acting  in  ignorance,  but  in  the  full  knowledge 
of  what  we  were  doing ;  we  were  actuated  by 
the  confidence  which  we  had  then  and  which 
many  of  us  still  have,  that  our  renunciation 
was  not  a  permanent  abdication  of  our  civic 
rights,  but  a  transfer  of  them  in  good  faith 
221 


PORFIBIO   DIAZ 

to  the  keeping  of  a  man  of  irreproachable 
honor;  one  who  would  know  how  to  re- 
turn them  as  he  had  received  them,  little  by 
little,  until  complete  restitution  had  been 
made.  We  were  confident  that  we  would 
never  have  to  say,  "  Diaz,  return  to  us  our 
liberties,"  as  the  Eomans  exclaimed,  "  Fare, 
legiones  redde  " ;  that  General  Diaz,  a  patriot 
and  a  man  of  honor,  could  never  bring  him- 
self to  repeat  the  phrase  of  the  insolent 
Napoleon  III,  who,  in  order  to  palliate  the 
failure  of  the  French  intervention  in  Mexico, 
said :  "  It  is  the  secret  of  Providence  that  she 
does  not  always  respect  her  own  combina- 
tions." 

In  my  opinion,  public  spirit  is  beginning 
to  rise  in  Mexico,  and,  what  is  still  more  sig- 
nificant, this  impulse  is  showing  itself  in  the 
form  of  disorder.  Since  last  year  (1906) 
there  have  been  set  on  foot  socialistic  move- 
ments which  are  in  reality,  if  I  am  not 
mistaken,  political  movements.  I  have  had  oc- 
222 


PRESENT   CONDITIONS    IN   MEXICO 

casion  to  study  this  movement,  because  Gen- 
eral Diaz  entrusted  me  with  a  confidential 
mission  for  this  purpose.  I  served  him  with 
my  accustomed  loyalty,  and  thought  it  my 
duty  to  speak  with  frankness.  In  a  report 
addressed  to  him,  dated  July  17,  1906, 1  have 
presented  the  results  of  my  investigations  in 
the  State  of  Vera  Cruz,  in  part  in  the  follow- 
ing words : 

"  As  to  the  question  of  subverting  law  and 
order,  it  is  certain  that  the  idea  did  not  orig- 
inate in  Orizaba,  but  that  it  emanated  from 
the  Capital.  It  is  equally  certain  that  the 
labor  question  has  been  seized  upon  merely 
as  a  pretext;  the  situation  is  one  of  which 
it  is  easy  to  take  advantage :  12,000  workmen, 
their  ignorance,  their  character,  and  their 
just  cause  for  discontent." 

"  I  believe  with  Giuciardini  that  in  politics, 
as  in  medicine,  good  remedies  are  common 
enough ;  the  skill  consists  in  knowing  how  to 
administer  them  with  timeliness  and  judg- 
ment." 

223 


POEFIEIO   DIAZ 

This  I  was  bold  enough,  to  say  to  the  Pres- 
ident, and  I  also  sent  him,  on  August  3,  1906, 
some  confidential  notes,  which  I  believe  it 
will  not  be  out  of  place  to  repeat  here, 

"  CONFIDENTIAL  NOTES  BEGARDING  THE  POLIT- 
ICAL AND  SOCIAL  SITUATION  WHICH  HAS 
BEEN  BROUGHT  ABOUT  IN  THE  COUNTRY; 
ITS  CAUSES  AND  THE  WAY  TO  WARD  OFF 
THE  DANGER: 

"  MR.  PRESIDENT  : 

"I  am  neither  a  pessimist  nor  an  op- 
timist. I  look  upon  all  events  with  calmness, 
study  them  without  passion  or  preconceived 
ideas.  This  seems  to  me  the  only  way  to 
form  a  just  judgment,  or  rather,  one  which 
is  as  nearly  just  as  possible,  considering  the 
fallibility  of  the  spirit  of  man,  and  more 
especially  my  own  intellectual  shortcomings. 
Following  this  method,  which  is  strictly  sci- 
entific, I  have  studied  the  actual  conditions 
in  the  country,  the  situation  in  which  the 
224 


PRESENT   CONDITIONS   IN   MEXICO 

Government  finds  itself,  and  the  significance 
of  the  socialistic  movement  which  has  been 
inaugurated  and  grows  daily  in  importance, 
for  it  is  evidently  on  the  increase  both  in  ex- 
tent and  in  intensity.  After  making  an  anal- 
ysis, I  have  busied  myself  in  seeking  the 
remedy  for  the  evils  complained  of  by  our 
people.  Finally,  I  have  undertaken  to  pre- 
dict, by  the  use  of  the  deductive  method, 
what,  it  seems  to  me,  must  ensue.  In  the 
brief  notes  which  follow,  I  have  the  honor, 
and  also  the  boldness,  to  present  to  you  the 
results  of  this  study. 

"  When  you  were  good  enough  to  entrust 
to  me  the  task  of  speaking  for  the  Govern- 
ment through  the  press,  empowering  me  to 
investigate  this  subject  freely  and  without 
special  instructions,  I  felt  it  a  great  honor, 
and  was  deeply  gratified  with  this  proof 
of  your  confidence.  I  believe  that  it  would 
not  comport  well  with  the  confidence  which 
you  have  placed  in  me,  if  I  limited  myself 
to  the  composition  of  more  or  less  high- 
225 


POBFIRIO   DIAZ 

sounding  editorials,  contradicting  the  asser- 
tions of  the  opposition  press,  propounding 
sound  doctrines,  and  defending  the  Govern- 
ment from  the  accusations  and  calumnies  of 
its  enemies.  All  of  which,  even  supposing 
that  I  were  capable  of  doing  it  with  distin- 
guished ability,  would  not  satisfy  the  public, 
nor  ward  off  the  dangers ;  to  accomplish  this 
neither  the  exposition  of  theories,  the  most 
eloquent  writings,  nor  the  soundest  argu- 
ments would  suffice.  These  might  be  helpful 
elements,  but  could  not  be  the  principal  nor 
the  decisive  factors. 

"  I  consider  it  my  duty,  therefore,  to  ad- 
dress you  with  the  frankness  of  an  old  and 
tried  member  of  your  party,  who  has  never 
served  directly  or  indirectly  any  government 
but  yours ;  I  speak  with  the  loyalty  of  a  per- 
sonal friend,  and  the  disinterestedness  of  an 
ardent  patriot.  I  make  no  pretense  of  show- 
ing you  anything  new,  much  less  of  giving 
you  advice ;  it  would,  indeed,  be  presuming  on 
my  part  to  think  that  I  had  more  talent  and 
226 


PRESENT   CONDITIONS    IN    MEXICO 

more  experience  than  the  man  who  has  the 
reputation  of  being  one  of  the  greatest  states- 
men of  our  century.  All  that  I  shall  attempt 
to  do  is  to  express  my  own  opinion,  to  make 
clear  my  point  of  view,  which  is  the  result  of 
an  intimate  knowledge  of  the  Mexican  people, 
gained  through  contact  with  all  classes.  This 
may  be  of  much  value,  because  conditions 
have  kept  me  entirely  free  from  the  strife  of 
politics,  and  have  placed  me  in  a  position  to 
observe  at  close  range  that  which  it  would 
be  impossible  to  see  from  the  heights,  and 
also  to  hear  that  which  does  not  reach  you, 
even  as  a  faint  echo,  on  your  distant  pinnacle 
of  power. 

"  In  so  doing,  I  am  fulfilling  a  duty  of  con- 
science, which  you  will  rate  at  its  true  value, 
and  make  of  my  opinions  whatever  use  you 
see  fit — surely  the  best  possible  use. 

"  THE  SITUATION 

"It  would  be  a  great  mistake  to  suppose 
that  the  present  movement  is  confined  to  the 

227 


POBFIKIO   DIAZ 

working  classes.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  wide- 
spread, including  directly  and  indirectly  all 
classes  of  society.  Among  its  members  the 
rich  are  in  the  minority,  the  middle  class  in 
the  majority,  and  the  membership  from  the 
lower  classes  is  increasing  under  the  leader- 
ship of  the  other  two.  In  joining  the  move- 
ment, the  rich  are  moved  by  ambition,  the 
middle  class  by  necessity  and  by  the  desire  to 
satisfy  their  aspirations,  the  lower  classes 
because  they  are  pursued  by  wretchedness, 
and  because  they  are  always  and  in  all  parts 
of  the  world  prone  to  sedition. 

"  An  aspect  of  socialism  has  been  cleverly 
thrown  upon  this  movement  by  its  promoters, 
but  the  truth  is  that  although  it  does  on  its 
social  side  attack  industrialism  (not  capital), 
its  real  attack  is  on  the  political  side  against 
the  Government.  The  attitude  of  the  opposi- 
tion press  is  sufficient  proof  of  this  assertion, 
for  it  has  prepared  the  way  for  and  sup- 
ported this  movement;  it  has  mingled  with 
the  complaints  of  the  workmen  the  fault- 
228 


PEESENT   CONDITIONS    IN    MEXICO 

finding  of  all  classes;  it  has  collected  and 
published  all  kinds  of  news,  true  and  false, 
which  could  possibly  be  made  to  throw 
discredit  upon  any  or  all  officials  of  the 
Government. 

"  Discontent  reigns  in  almost  every  state, 
caused  chiefly  by  the  fact  that  certain  gov- 
ernors seem  to  remain  in  office  indefinitely 
and  the  group  which  surrounds  them  does  the 
same.  This  destroys  the  legitimate  ambition 
of  all  the  rest  of  the  citizens,  who  think,  rea- 
sonably enough,  that  they  have  a  right  to  a 
direct  participation  in  the  management  of 
public  affairs,  either  for  the  realization  of 
their  own  cherished  ideals  or  for  the  fulfill- 
ment of  their  ambition  to  exercise  power — 
in  a  word,  to  satisfy  their  own  self-esteem. 
Those  who  have  no  such  ambitions  at  least 
desire  a  change,  for  they  think  that  whatever 
might  follow,  the  change  would  be  better  than 
j  that  which  they  have  to-day. 

"  With  my  accustomed  frankness,  I  say  to 
you  that  this  feeling  has  nothing  to  do  with 
229 


POBFIBIO   DIAZ 

the  presidency  of  the  Kepublic.  No  one  as- 
pires to  that  office,  and  no  one  conspires 
against  you.  If  they  have  any  complaint  at 
all,  it  is  that  you  retain  in  office  men  whom 
they  condemn  as  useless,  and,  in  some  cases, 
even  harmful.  They  say  that  Mexican  soci- 
ety is  at  present  divided  into  two  castes :  one 
the  governing  class,  which  seems  to  be  in- 
violable, and  for  whom  power^  privileges, 
benefices,  business  opportunities,  titles,  and 
honors  are  reserved ;  the  other  the  governed, 
cut  off  from  opportunity,  only  fitted  to  be- 
come soldiers,  laborers,  and  slaves,  without 
hope,  without  future,  a  prey  to  wretchedness 
and  suffering.  I  do  not  justify  this  opinion, 
I  merely  point  it  out. 

"  These  elements  of  discontent  the  opposi- 
tion press  exploits  with  skill,  making  them 
count  by  spreading  them  far  and  wide,  and 
using  them  as  the  means  of  maintaining  an 
effective  campaign.  Our  opponents  succeed 
because  there  is  no  one  to  come  forward  and 
rectify;  their  exaggerations  and  contradict 
230 


PRESENT   CONDITIONS   IN   MEXICO 

their  falsehoods.  The  Government  period- 
icals are  not  strong  enough,  either  in  num- 
bers or  influence,  to  counteract  the  work  of 
the  opposition  press. 

"  To  return  to  my  theme,  I  am  forced  to 
admit  that  there  is  considerable  discontent 
over  the  immovability  of  many  officials  and 
employees  of  the  Government ;  irritability  on 
account  of  the  abuse  practiced  by  some,  per- 
haps by  many  of  them;  impatience  on  the 
part  of  those  who  think  that  they  are  justly 
entitled  to  hold  high  public  positions,  and  who 
place  all  their  hopes  on  a  change  of  adminis- 
tration, even  if  it  be  only  a  partial  change. 
Then,,  in  addition,  there  is  a  feeling  of  hatred 
against  a  certain  political  clique,  which  has 
been  and  is  still  considered  (whether  rightly 
or  wrongly)  to  be  in  complete  mastery  of 
the  country  and  to  have  exclusive  control  of 
the  public  business.  It  is.  even  supposed  to 
have  a  monopoly  of  all  the  most  remunera- 
tive fields  for  private  enterprise.  There  are 
also  complaints  against  the  authorities  on 
is  231 


POBFIRIO   DIAZ 

the  ground  that  officials  have  little  or  no 
consideration  for  the  public,  but  are  con- 
cerned only  in  enriching  themselves  and 
their  friends;  it  must  be  admitted,  however, 
that  even  in  matters  of  greatest  and  most 
evident  public  utility,  the  opposition  party 
sees  nothing  but  private  business  and  oppor- 
tunity for  individual  enrichment. 
~  "  To  all  these  causes  of  discontent  is  added 
at  the  present  moment  the  labor  question,  soon 
to  be  followed  by  agrarian  agitation.  It  is  cer- 
tainly true  that  although  the  condition  of  the 
laborer  is  bad,  that  of  the  peon  is  infinitely 
worse.  The  only  reason  that  the  rights  of 
the  peon  have  not  already  been  brought  into 
the  field  is  because  the  industrial  laborers, 
being  more  intelligent,  more  turbulent,  and 
more  easily  influenced,  because  they  live  in 
large  groups,  constitute  much  better  material 
for  the  purpose  the  Socialists  have  in  hand; 
namely,  to  change  the  existing  order  of 
things.  Furthermore,  they  are  confident 
that  the  agricultural  laborers  will  join 
232 


PRESENT   CONDITIONS    IN   MEXICO 

them  as  soon  as  the  occasion  for  their  help 
arises. 

"Many  people  think  that  the  opposition 
press  is  aiming  at  the  profit  which  the  in- 
creased sale  of  the  papers  will  bring  in,  but 
this  is  not  true.  Underlying  their  efforts  is 
sincerity,  and  to  this  fact  is  due  their  energy 
and  persistency.  Many  people  believe  that 
newspapers  of  this  class  do  not  exercise  any 
great  influence.  That  is  a  mistake.  They 
find  a  great  number  of  readers:  those  who 
buy  out  of  mere  curiosity,  others  whose 
natural  malevolence  gives  them  a  taste  for 
everything  which  decries  those  in  power; 
and  still  others  who  find  their  own  desires 
echoed  in  these  publications.  Many  people 
believe  that  these  papers  can  be  destroyed 
by  persecution,  or,  at  least,  brought  under 
control;  but  this  is  the  greatest  mistake  of 
all.  Every  persecuted  editor  will  in  that  way 
be  raised  to  the  rank  of  a  Martyr  to  Liberty ; 
and  the  hero  of  the  dungeon  usually  becomes, 
sooner  or  later,  the  hero  of  the  barricade. 
233 


POBFIRIO   DIAZ 

"  MY  MISGIVINGS 

"  The  accumulated  experience  of  history 
teaches  us  that  when  no  one  looks  out  for  the 
public,  the  public  looks  out  for  itself;  and 
when  the  public  looks  out  for  itself,  it  ceases 
to  be  a  river  running  in  its  natural  channel, 
and  becomes  a  flood,  an  inundation.  When 
the  honest  poor  rises  to  vindicate  its  rights, 
it  finds  itself  isolated,  and  is,  therefore,  will- 
ing to  accept  aid  from  any  quarter.  The  first 
that  offers  is  always  that  of  the  rascal  and 
the  criminal,  for  in  the  overthrow  of  order 
such  men  always  see  a  free  field  for  their  mis- 
deeds. Experience  has  also  taught  us  that 
revolutions  occur  only  when  circumstances 
are  favorable;  when  the  seed  of  martyrdom 
has  been  sown  upon  a  ground  of  conviction. 
This  gives  moral  strength  to  men,  and  en- 
dues them  with  the  courage  to  face  death  in 
defense  of  the  cause  which  they  have  es- 
poused. 

"  I  have  already  sketched  the  outward  cir- 
234 


PEE8ENT   CONDITIONS  IN   MEXICO 

cumstances  and  I  have  pointed  out  where  the 
seed  of  martyrdom  can  be  found.  From  this 
exposition  it  is  apparent  that  we  have  both 
the  latent  and  the  active  elements  of  revolu- 
tion in  our  midst.  It  will  not  do  to  assert 
that  the  class  affected  is  insignificant  and 
that  the  manifestations  of  discontent  are 
harmless.  Let  us  remember  that  when  the 
French  Eevolution  broke  out,  and  Louis  XVI 
exclaimed  *  This  is  merely  a  street  broil/ 
the  Duke  of  Liancourt  replied :  '  No,  Sire,  it 
is  a  revolution.'  We  all  know  that  the  event 
proved  the  duke  to  be  right. 

"  Charges  are  made  daily  against  the  Gov- 
ernment without  being  met  with  reasonable 
answers,  much  less  with  proofs ;  and  because 
it  is  easier  to  hear  one  who  shouts  than 
thousands  who  hold  their  peace,  the  discon- 
tent grows  and  gradually  spreads  through- 
out all  classes. 

"  Nothing  is  so  fatal  in  politics  as  the  lals- 
sez  faire  doctrine,  for  it  is  interpreted  as  a 
sign  that  the  administration  does  not  know 
235 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

what  to  do.  When  the  Government  fails  to 
answer  its  critics,  the  impression  gets  abroad 
that  there  is  no  reasonable  explanation  to 
offer.  If  it  is  true,  as  Mirabean  said,  that 
the  silence  of  the  people  is  the  lesson  of 
the  king,  it  is  equally  true,  in  my  opinion, 
that  the  silence  of  kings  is  the  justification 
of  the  charges  made  against  them  by  the 
people. 

"  There  is  certainly  something  very  grave 
in  this  cock-sure  attitude.  Those  who  look 
with  indifference  upon  the  present  situation 
are  making  an  unpardonable  mistake,  and, 
furthermore,  are  shirking  their  responsibil- 
ity before  history.  The  slight  uprisings 
which  have  up  to  the  present  time  taken  place 
in  Cananea,  Aguascalientes,  Chihuahua,  and 
even  in  the  Capital  itself,  are  forerunners 
of  what  is  being  worked  up  in  other  cities 
under  cover  of  the  labor  question;  they  are 
trials  of  strength  to  test  the  extent  and  qual- 
ity of  the  forces  which  the  Socialists  have  at 
their  disposal ;  they  are  experiments  to  bring 
236 


PRESENT   CONDITIONS    IN    MEXICO 

out  the  underlying  conditions  and  show  the 
leaders  how  far  they  can  go. 

"  I  perceive  that  there  is  agitation  below 
and  alarm  above.  This  condition  can  only 
be  made  right  by  the  energetic  and  patriotic 
action  of  him  who  forms  the  apex  of  the 
social  pyramid. 

"  MY  OPINION  AS  TO  THE  BEST  WAY  TO  OVER- 
COME THE  THREATENED  DANGER 

"  The  only  way  to  meet  and  destroy  the 
idea  of  revolution  is  to  expose  the  falsity 
of  the  base  upon  which  it  rests,  as  I  have 
already  had  the  honor  of  explaining  to  you 
upon  another  occasion.  But  later  on,  when 
the  idea  has  been  so  far  developed  that  it  has 
already  blossomed  into  aspiration  and  begun 
to  express  itself  in  action,  the  only  way  to 
overcome  the  revolution  is  to  lead  it.  If 
Louis  XVI  had  understood  this  truth,  and 
had  known  how  to  put  it  into  execution,  the 
'  Great  French  Eevolution '  would  have  been 
known  in  history  as  the  '  Great  Evolution/ 
237 


POKFIKIO   DIAZ 

"You  have  been  good  enough  to  entrust 
to  me  the  first  part  of  this  undertaking,  and 
I  have  endeavored  to  carry  it  out  in  the  best 
manner  possible.  The  results,  to  another 
more  vain  and  more  optimistic  than  I,  might 
well  have  been  considered  highly  satisfac- 
tory. These  results  may  be  summed  up  as 
follows : 

"  1.  We  have  succeeded  in  making  the  op- 
position press,  almost  to  the  last  periodical, 
understand  the  danger  to  which  they  are 
exposing  the  country  with  their  revolutionary 
propaganda,  and  they  have  moderated  their 
attacks  against  the  Government  and  turned 
their  attention  to  the  study  of  the  social  ques- 
tions involved,  looking  at  these  questions 
from  the  point  of  view  of  moral  and  eco- 
nomic evolution,  and  following  the  course  of 
reasoning  which  I  pointed  out  at  the  begin- 
ning of  my  campaign. 

"2.  The  laborers  who  were  'on  strike ' 
have  thus  far  followed  my  advice,  which  has 
been  amplified  and  strengthened  by  what 
238 


PRESENT   CONDITIONS   IN   MEXICO 

other  papers  have  written,  even  the  opposi- 
tion papers  themselves. 

"But  all  this,  sir,  does  not  constitute  a 
decisive  victory;  it  is  only  a  success  of  the 
advance  guard ;  it  is  not  peace,  but  merely  a 
truce.  As  soon  as  the  first  feeling  of  appre- 
hension is  over,  and  the  moment  of  expec- 
tancy has  passed,  they  will  return  to  the 
struggle  with  more  zeal  than  ever,  if  not 
with  cruelty  and  bloodshed.  What  has  been 
accomplished  so  far  is  due  not  to  my  ability, 
but  to  yours.  The  sole  cause  is  the  change 
of  front  which  you  ordered  El  Impartial  to 
make :  that  is,  to  quit  its  irritating,  dogmatic 
position  and  its  redundant  and  insulting  tone 
of  superiority,  its  uncompromising  attitude, 
and  its  intemperate  expressions  of  ill  will. 
This  action  has  been  taken  as  evidence  of 
your  separation  from  the  Scientific  party,1 
and  the  public  has  breathed  a  sigh  of  relief; 


lfThe  party  headed  by  Cabinet  Minister  Limantour  was 
called  the  "  Scientific  party  "  by  its  founders  on  the  assump- 
tion that  they  alone  possessed  the  truth.  Their  idea  was  to 

239 


POEFIEIO   DIAZ 

therefore,  on  reading  the  declarations  and 
promises  which  I  made  in  the  name  of  the 
Government,  the  people  have  begun  to  hope 
for  better  things.  But  they  are  not  to  be 
deceived  with  promises,  nor  can  their  de- 
sistance  be  long  counted  upon  after  they 
have  once  made  up  their  minds  to  act;  nor 
am  I  capable  of  resorting  to  double  dealing 
in  order  to  restrain  them. 

"  For  the  complete  realization  of  the  first 
part  of  the  undertaking  which  you  have  been 
good  enough  to  entrust  to  me,  resources  are 
lacking.  El  Impartial  is  by  no  means  equal 
to  the  task  single  handed.  It  is  already  dis- 
credited in  the  eyes  of  the  people ;  everything 
it  publishes  is  looked  upon  with  suspicion. 
As  soon  as  the  first  moment  of  surprise  is 
over,  the  salutary  effect  will  vanish,  unless 
reenforced  by  the  utterance  of  other  papers 
and  supported  by  convincing,  practical  action. 

reduce  it  all  to  precise  formulas.  They  look  with  the  most 
profound  contempt  upon  the  masses,  and  in  fact  upon  all 
those  who  do  not  offer  themselves  as  passive  instruments  for 
the  accomplishment  of  this  party's  ambitions. 

240 


PRESENT   CONDITIONS   IN   MEXICO 

"  As  to  the  suggestion  in  the  second  part 
of  my  report  that  you  yourself  should  head 
the  movement,  I  am  not  in  a  position  even  to 
express  an  opinion,  much  less  to  point  out  the 
proper  course  of  action.  You  are  so  far  su- 
perior to  me  in  knowledge  and  experience 
that  I  could  not  think  of  such  presumption, 
but  I  do  consider  it  my  duty,  sir,  to  beg  you 
not  to  look  upon  the  affair  of  Cananea  with 
indifference,  but  to  accede  to  the  public  de- 
mand, to  break  your  silence,  to  investigate, 
and  to  demonstrate  that  the  Government  was 
fully  justified  in  its  action,  thus  dissipating 
doubts,  calming  fears,  and  satisfying  public 
opinion.  In  addition,  I  am  sure  it  would  be 
well  to  effectually  countenance  the  laborers 
in  so  far  as  their  demands  are  just;  to  ap- 
point a  commission  composed  of  five  com- 
petent men  to  study  the  labor  question  and 
to  make  such  suggestions  as  they  deem  ad- 
visable. This  would  suffice  to  calm  agitation 
for  the  moment,  to  inspire  confidence  in  the 
Government,  and  hope  that  the  precarious 
241 


POKFIBIO   DIAZ 

situation  of  the  laboring  classes  would  be 
improved. 

"  We  are  in  the  midst  of  a  period  of  agita- 
tion, and  it  would  be  a  great  mistake  to  ignore 
the  fact.  Such  periods  are  fertile  in  systems, 
projects,  and  plans  of  all  kinds,  especially 
harmful  kinds. 

"I  do  not  believe  that  public  opinion  is 
always  right,  but  I  think  that  it  should  always 
be  taken  into  account  and  satisfied,  especially 
at  present,  because  there  exists  a  decided 
tendency  to  disregard  a  decree,  unless  its 
justice  be  fully  demonstrated,  or  force  be 
used  to  compel  obedience.  The  latter  method 
is  the  more  efficacious  for  the  time  being, 
but  it  always  carries  with  it  a  reaction, 
more  or  less  violent  in  proportion  to  the 
amount  of  repressive  force  which  has  been 
exerted. 

"  I  trust  you  will  pardon  the  liberty  I  have 

taken  in  speaking  so  plainly  and  at  such 

length  upon  matters  which  are  beyond  my 

competence.    For  thus  trespassing  upon  your 

242 


PRESENT    CONDITIONS    IN    MEXICO 

overburdened  time,  I  beg  you  to  forgive  me, 
and  I  feel  sure  that  your  kindness  and  good 
judgment  recognize  my  loyalty  as  a  member 
of  your  party,  my  sincerity  as  a  friend,  and 
my  love  for  our  common  country. 

"  (Signed)     K.  DE  ZAYAS  ENEIQUEZ. 
"  MEXICO,  August  3,  1906." 

It  is  undeniable  that  the  country  is  passing 
through  a  period  of  agitation  and  uncertain- 
ty. Almost  every  one  in  Mexico  who  has 
any  power  uses  it  and  abuses  it,  and  the 
cowed  public  submits.  From  the  car  con- 
ductor up,  everyone  is  permitted  to  de- 
spise the  public  and  treat  it  tyrannically. 
The  manager  of  a  manufacturing  estab- 
lishment is  a  feudal  lord  and  his  agents 
treat  the  working  classes  as  if  they  were 
slaves. 

In  May  of  the  present  year  (1907)  a  Mex- 
ican paper  published  a  long  letter  addressed 
to  the  President  by  a  workingman  named 
Jose  Neira.  It  was  written  concerning  a 
243 


POBFIRIO   DIAZ 

strike.     In   it   occurred   the   following   re- 
marks : 

"  At  the  present  time,  although  the  labor- 
ers and  their  employers  are  intimately  con- 
nected by  ties  of  interest,  they  are  very 
far  apart.  The  capitalists  are  very  high  up ; 
we  are  very  low  down ;  and  between  them  and 
us  there  exist  as  the  only  intermediaries  a 
multitude  of  '  go-betweens/  who  exploit  those 
above  to  as  great  an  extent  as  those  below, 
deceiving  both.  These  *  go-betweens '  form 
a  regular  stairway,  from  the  man  who  sweeps 
out  the  office  to  the  manager-in-chief.  They 
transform  all  that  passes  through  their 
hands,  either  up  or  down,  to  suit  their  own 
ends.  In  the  factory,  everything  is  for  sale. 
For  five  dollars  the  '  boss '  will  give  three 
looms  to  the  man  who  has  two,  four  to  the 
man  who  has  three.  For  one  or  two  dollars, 
the  '  correitero '  will  credit  you  with  good 
marks;  for  twenty-five  cents  the  inspector 
will  fail  to  report;  for  the  same  amount,  he 
244 


PRESENT   CONDITIONS    IN    MEXICO 

will  allow  smoking  and  the  floor  sweeper  will 
change  all  the  broken  reels,  bobbins,  and 
spools. 

"  We  laborers  are  obliged  by  the  '  bosses/ 
under  penalty  of  losing  onr  job,  to  take  one 
number  at  least  in  each  of  their  raffles,  and 
they  have  one  every  week ;  to  apply  for  funds 
which  they  loan  at  the  rate  of  twenty-five 
per  cent  a  week,  whether  we  need  the 
money  or  not;  and  to  pretend  that  we  are 
deaf  when  they  make  love  to  our  sisters, 
our  daughters,  our  nieces,  and  even  our 
wives.  These  '  bosses,'  who  in  turn  are 
*  bossed'  by  other  employees  higher  up, 
are  among  us  sort  of  sultans,  who  hold  our 
money  and  even  our  honor  at  their  beck  and 
call.  Woe  to  him  who  repels  or  tries  to 
thwart  the  amorous  caprices  of  one  of  these 
gentlemen!  They  will  fine  him  and  punish 
him  for  several  weeks,  and  finally  the  '  cor- 
reitero '  will  come,  full  of  pompous  majesty, 
to  whisper  in  his  ear:  'Don't  be  a  fool. 
Don't  carry  on  so  with  the  "  boss  " !  What's 
245 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

the  use  of  getting  fined  and  punished?  Don't 
you  know  that  he  can  consign  you  to  the 
army?'  It  is  true;  the  will  of  these  man- 
darins is  law.  All  they  have  to  do  is  to  in- 
form the  management  that  the  person  in 
question  is  a  terrible  Socialist  who  stirs  up 
strikes,  and  it's  all  up  with  that  particular 
laborer." 

This  description  is  a  true  picture  of  the 
condition  of  affairs  in  almost  all  the  states  of 
the  Federation,  and  the  bitter  feeling  of  the 
laboring  classes  is  apparent  in  nearly  every 
town  in  Mexico. 

I  remember  that  in  1875,  when  we  were 
making  preparations  for  the  Revolution  of 
Tuxtepec,  which  was  to  place  General  Diaz 
in  the  presidential  chair,  I  published  a  book 
entitled  "  The  Helots  of  the  Nineteenth  Cen- 
tury." On  page  117  and  following  pages  I 
said:  "  Those  who  know  the  inner  history  of 
the  France  of  1847  and  of  the  Mexico  of  1875 
must  be  surprised  to  see  how  many  points 
246 


PEESENT   CONDITIONS   IN   MEXICO 

of  similarity  there  are  between  the  two  coun- 
tries during  these  two  epochs. 

"  In  the  France  of  that  day  as  in  our  coun- 
try to-day,  peace  apparently  reigned,  and  the 
ministers,  satellites  of  M.  Guizot,  could  say, 
as  the  cabinet  members  of  Senor  Lerdo  de 
Tejada  might  have,  that  the  public  security 
was  in  no  wise  disturbed,  that  the  budget  of 
state  was  covered  with  perfect  regularity, 
that  the  eighty-seven  prefects  of  His  Majesty 
exercised  the  functions  of  their  offices  with  as 
much  independence  (?)  as  could  the  twenty- 
seven  governors  of  the  constitutional  states 
of  our  Federation. 

"  There  was  a  veritable  plethora  of  riches 
and  well-being;  railroads  were  built  in  all 
directions ;  the  Minister  of  War  in  France,  as 
the  Minister  of  War  here,  ordered  the  con- 
struction of  battleships,  not  only  in  the  na- 
tional shipyards,  but  also  in  England.  The 
cry  of  the  memorable  administration  of 
Guizot  was  '  Get  rich ! ' 

"At  first  sight,  the  man  who  cannot  see 
n  247 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

farther  than  the  outside  of  a  question  would 
believe  that  the  material  condition  of  France 
at  that  time  was  the  best  possible.  In  that 
country,  as  in  our  pseudo-republic,  scan- 
dalous fortunes  were  made  in  a  day,  the 
origin  of  which  no  one  could  explain.  Usury 
and  shameful  speculation  was  the  order  of 
the  day ;  the  health  of  the  country  was  threat- 
ened by  the  growth  of  a  terrible  cancer; 
the  condition  of  affairs  can  best  be  de- 
scribed by  the  biblical  expression,  'whited 
sepulcher.' 

"  In  the  France  of  1847  there  was  a  priv- 
ileged class  which  formed  what  was  called 
'  the  legal  country.'  For  the  members  of  this 
class  were  reserved  the  public  offices,  the  rich 
sinecures,  the  flattery  of  the  '  powers  that  be/ 
the  attentions  of  the  ministers,  honorable 
decorations,  invitations  to  the  Tuileries, 
handshakes  of  the  '  Bourgeois  king ' ;  in  a 
word,  it  was  the  reign  of  the  grocers,  as  the 
people  have  called  it;  only  members  of  the 
ring  took  part  in  public  affairs;  they  alone 
248 


PKESENT    CONDITIONS   IN    MEXICO 

were  called,  and  consequently  they  alone 
were  chosen. 

"  But  while  they  were  talking  of  the  dances 
and  royal  entertainments  which  '  Philippe 
Egalite '  was  lavishing  upon  his  proteges, 
the  great  majority  of  the  law-abiding  citizens 
who  had  honest  ambitions  and  were  willing 
to  work  murmured  against  this  bureaucratic 
and  self -centered  government,  which  took  no 
thought  for  the  future  (of  France),  but  only 
for  their  own  present  advantage  and  that  of 
their  hangers-on ;  and  whatever  business  they 
undertook  was  merely  for  the  aggrandize- 
ment of  some  speculator.  But  the  tempest 
was  slowly  gathering,  drawing  together  the 
scattered  elements  of  discontent  from  all 
sides. 

"  The  very  thing  which  happened  there 
is  taking  place  among  us  here  to-day.  At 
first,  only  suppressed  murmur  ings  from  bej- 
low,  then  open  protest  that  the  revenues  ojF 
state  should  be  squandered  in  sumptuous 
banquets  while  the  public  goes  hungry;  that 
249 


POKFIKIO   DIAZ 

money  should  be  squandered  on  perfectly  use- 
less, if  not  perfectly  ridiculous  scientific 
expeditions,  while  the  masses  clamor  for 
schools;  gold  braid  and  gorgeous  trimmings 
to  set  off  a  gallant  army,  while  the  wretched 
people  with  difficulty  find  rags  to  cover  their 
nakedness. 

"  In  the  France  of  1847,  as  in  the  Mexico 
of  1875,  public  indignation  burned  against 
the  adventurers  who  had  succeeded  in  put- 
ting themselves  in  control  of  the  situation; 
the  people  hurled  their  scorn  against  an  im- 
moral government,  which  was  hiding  under 
a  mantle  of  virtue,  and  had  brought  every- 
thing down  to  a  purely  material  basis. 

"  What  was  the  result  of  this  brewing  op- 
position? Toward  the  end  of  1847  the  storm 
began  to  darken  the  horizon  of  'Philippe 
Egalite,'  and  during  the  following  year  burst 
with  fury  as  menacing  as  that  which  in  1793 
overthrew  the  worm-eaten  throne  of  Louis 
XVI.  At  that  time,  Louis  Philippe  recog- 
nized the  rottenness  of  the  situation  and  had 
250 


PEESENT   CONDITIONS   IN   MEXICO 

the  sense  to  abdicate  and  retire  to  England. 
'  In  Mexico  they  never  abdicate.  Our  rulers, 
like  the  "Old  Guard,"  may  die,  but  never 
surrender.' " 

This  is  what  I  said  in  1875,  and  I  notice 
that  others  are  repeating  the  same  thing  to- 
day in  a  somewhat  different  form;  taking 
another  epoch  in  France  to  point  the  par- 
allel, that  of  the  last  days  of  the  Third 
Empire  and  the  final  catastrophe  at  Sedan. 


CHAPTER   XI 

THE    LAST   PHASE    OF    THE   EVOLUTION    OF    PBES- 
IDENT   DIAZ 

I  HAVE  described,  though  in  a  sketchy 
manner,  the  whole  public  life  of  Pres- 
ident Diaz,  and  the  evolution  of  his  char- 
acter, an  evolution  which  has  not  traveled 
in  straight  lines.     Nature  has  no  straight 
lines,  and  no  evolution  ever  follows  the  direct 
course,  but  moves  in  a  constantly  ascending 
spiral. 

The  query  naturally  arises  in  one's  mind: 
Has  President  Diaz  stopped  growing?  Does 
he  actually  present  to  us  to-day  the  last 
stage  of  his  development,  the  final  form  in 
which  he  will  pass  into  history? 

It  may  seem  that  prudence  should  counsel 
me  to  propound  this  question  fairly  and 
therewith  end  my  labor.  But  that  would  be 
to  destroy  the  f ruitx  of  all  my  work.  For  I 
consider  my  task  positive,  and  if  I  should 
252 


LAST  PHASE  OF  DIAZ'S  EVOLUTION 

end  it  by  simply  raising  this  question,  the 
results  of  my  investigation  would  be  shroud- 
ed with  doubt,  and,  therefore,  largely  neg- 
ative. 

I  am  well  aware  that  every  man  is  a  tend- 
ency, a  suggestion,  never  a  complete  ex- 
pression. But  I  am  equally  sure  that  the  law 
of  each  man's  being,  as  well  on  the  spiritual 
as  on  the  moral  plane,  is  to  fulfill  the  func- 
tions which  his  own  nature  prescribes.  Pres- 
ident Diaz  is  cast  in  a  mold  which  compels 
achievement  of  such  a  high  order  that  he 
cannot  stop  with  that  which  he  has  already 
accomplished,  for  it  has  affected  only  the 
material  side  of  Mexico. 

History  does  not  furnish  us  with  a  single 
example  of  a  man  who,  after  gaining  per- 
manent possession  of  the  supreme  power, 
voluntarily  returned  to  the  people,  either  all 
at  once  or  by  degrees,  the  liberties  which  he 
had  taken  from  them.  Nations  never  shake 
off  the  yoke  except  by  revolution.  They  must 
by  their  own  courage  and  heroism  re-conquer 
253 


POEFIEIO   DIAZ 

what  they  have  lost  through  indolence,  cow- 
ardice, or  the  desire  to  gain  some  immediate 
advantage  at  the  expense  of  their  future  wel- 
fare. But  President  Diaz  cannot  and  ought 
not  to  allow  himself  to  be  classed  in  this 
category.  Because  if  he  did  he  would  be  a 
contradiction  to  himself,  he  would  destroy 
his  prestige,  and  descend  to  the  level  of  an 
ordinary  tyrant,  an  ambitious  upstart,  who 
had  deceived  the  people  and  defrauded  them 
of  their  highest  and  most  legitimate  aspira- 
tions. 

In  order  to  complete  his  work  he  does  not 
need  the  conditions  that  surround  a  mytho- 
logical demigod,  but  simply  those  of  a  man 
inspired  by  patriotism,  righteousness,  honor, 
and  respect  for  his  own  reputation.  It  is 
to  me  inconceivable  that  President  Diaz  can 
be  a  hard,  unyielding  man,  actuated  only  by 
selfish  ambition,  cold  and  heartless,  "  a  bronze 
statue  upon  a  granite  pedestal."  For  that 
would  prove  him  to  be,  in  the  last  analysis^ 
a  man  capable  of  raising  to  his  memory  a 
254 


LAST  PHASE  OF  DIAZ'S  EVOLUTION 

monument  of  curses  upon  a  pedestal  of  ig- 
nominy. In  thinking  him  incapable  of  this, 
I  am  not  founding  my  belief  solely  upon  my 
aspirations  for  my  country,  nor  upon  my  ad- 
miration for  the  hero  of  this  biography,  nor 
yet  upon  my  desire  that  General  Diaz  may 
pass  into  history  universally  venerated,  but 
upon  the  belief  that,  deducing  the  unknown 
from  the  known,  General  Diaz  will  feel  him- 
self compelled  to  carry  out  that  which  duty 
so  imperiously  commands.  Although  Diaz 
may  have  made  mistakes  (and  it  is  certain 
enough  that  he  has  done  so),  I  do  not  be- 
lieve him  capable  of  committing  the  awful 
crime  of  treason  to  his  country. 

For  this  reason  I  counsel  him  with  frank- 
ness and  with  sincere  loyalty  to  shortly  be- 
come the  head  of  the  revolution  which  is  be- 
ginning to  stir  in  the  soul  of  Mexico,  at  last 
awaking  from  her  long  sleep.  I  adjure  him 
to  lead  the  movement  at  once,  for  although  it 
is  beginning  very  timidly,  it  has,  neverthe- 
less, made  a  beginning,  and  if  he  takes  the 
255 


PORFIEIO   DIAZ 

initiative  now,  he  can  transform  the  move- 
ment from  revolution  into  evolution,  nay, 
even  more,  into  salvation,  and  for  himself 
stamp  the  achievement  of  the  statesman  with 
the  seal  of  greatness. 

Many  people  will  laugh  at  my  having  sev- 
eral times  referred  to  a  revolution  in  Mexico, 
for  they  consider  this  impossible,  in  view  of 
the  fact  that  peace  is,  in  their  estimation,  so 
firmly  established,  and  the  people  so  domi- 
nated by  the  yoke  that  they  are  incapable  of 
even  dreaming  to  shake  it  off.  As  long  as 
President  Diaz  holds  the  reins  of  the  Gov- 
ernment it  is  practically  certain  that  things 
will  remain  as  they  are,  both  because  of  his 
overwhelming  prestige,  and  because  of  the 
terror  inspired  by  his  practice  of  drowning 
in  blood  any  attempt  at  uprising.  The 
time  this  happened  was  only  a  few  months 
ago,  when  the  strikers  of  Orizaba  were  shot 
down  by  General  Eosilino  Martinez,  accord- 
ing to  the  custom  established  on  June  25, 
1879.  But  once  the  pressure  of  his  iron 
256 


LAST  PHASE  OF  DIAZ'S  EVOLUTION 

hand  is  removed,  the  presence  of  the  inflam- 
mable material,  now  lying  hidden  on  every 
side,  will  be  revealed,  and  the  whole  country 
will  be  ablaze.  This  everyone  knows  but  no 
one  dares  to  confess. 

At  the  present  moment  the  financial  situa- 
all  over  the  world,  but  in  Mexico 
The  greatest  lack  of  con- 
fidence exists  in  the  money  market.  Banks 
are  changed  from  credit-giving  institutions 
into  places  of  hoarding.  The  feeling  of  in- 
stability is  general.  We  are  assured  that 
there  is  much  money  in  the  country,  but  that 
those  who  have  it  do  not  allow  it  to  get  into 
circulation.  Why  is  this?  Because  the  cap- 
italist is  nothing  if  not  far-sighted;  he  sees 
the  storm  brewing  before  the  professional 
politician  is  alive  to  the  situation,  and  he  is 
afraid  that  his  money  will  be  seized  by  some 
one  and  hoarded  if  he  puts  it  into  circulation. 

All  classes  see  with  disgust  the  immense 
sums  that  are  spent  to  beautify  the  Capital 
and  to  furnish  large  profits  to  the  ring,  when 
257 


PORFIKEO   DIAZ 

this  money  is  so  badly  needed  for  the  neces- 
sities upon  which  the  very  future  of  the  coun- 
try depends,  such  as  the  irrigation  of  vast 
i 

stretches  of  waste  land  and  immigration  mat- 
ters, which  have  been  shamefully  neglected 
under  the  pretext  that  there  were  no  funds 
for  this  purpose;  and  this,  too,  when  it  is 
evident  that  there  is  enough  and  to  spare  for 
the  construction  of  palaces,  theaters,  prom- 
enades, and  for  sumptuous  entertainments 
which  no  one  approves. 

Physical  law  controls  actions,  but  moral 
law  imposes  duties,  and  he  who  fails  to  ful- 
fill his  duties,  whether  from  ignorance,  in- 
difference, or  lack  of  ability,  must  be 
considered  a  failure,  even  though  he  may 
have  accomplished  much  and  rendered  great 
service  in  other  directions. 

To-day  more  than  ever  the  life  of  Mexico 
is  bound  up  in  the  life  of  President  Diaz.  For 
he  alone  possesses  the  key  to  the  situation; 
he  and  he  only  can  convert  into  "organic 
258 


LAST  PHASE  OF  DIAZ'S  EVOLUTION 

peace  "  the  "  mechanical  peace  "  which  he  has 
imposed  with  such  skill  and  power.  And  I 
must  insist,  in  the  face  of  all  that  interested 
flattery  can  say  to  the  contrary,  or  con- 
victed error  assert  with  sophistry,  our  peace 
is  "  mechanical."  The  mere  fact  that  every- 
thing in  Mexico  depends  upon  the  will  of  a 
single  individual  is  sufficient  proof  of  my 
assertion — a  single  individual  who  controls 
public  affairs  in  their  entirety,  down  to  the 
minutest  detail;  a  single  individual  who  can 
make  or  mar  reputations,  lives,  and  fortunes, 
because  all  are  forced  to  consult  him,  obey 
him,  and  believe,  or  appear  to  believe,  what- 
ever he  says  on  his  mere  word,  without  ask- 
ing for  proofs  or  explanations. 

If  President  Diaz  should  happen  to  dis- 
appear suddenly,  paying  the  tribute  which 
all  must  pay  to  death,  it  would  throw  Mexico 
into  the  worst  state  of  confusion  that  our 
country  has  ever  experienced. 

In  a  few  words,  I  will  try  to  explain  my 
meaning.  We  are  all  at  sea  politically,  be- 
259 


PORFIEIO   DIAZ 

cause  for  many  years  in  Mexico  it  has  been 
looked  upon  as  a  virtue,  or  perhaps  as  a  ne- 
cessity, to  avoid  taking  an  interest  in  politics. 
We  are,  therefore,  without  any  strong,  recog- 
nized successor,  anyone  with  an  established 
reputation,  because  for  many  years  there  has 
been  nothing  in  Mexico  worthy  the  name  of 
popular  elections.  It  is  true  that  Senor  Don 
Eamon  Corral  figures  as  vice-president,  but 
it  is  equally  true,  as  all  the  world  knows, 
that  he  does  not  owe  his  position  to  popular 
election,  but  to  the  direct  appointment  of 
President  Diaz.  Senor  Corral  is  unknown 
in  politics.  He  may  be  an  exceptional  man, 
but  no  one  is  sure  of  it,  because  he  has  not 
demonstrated  his  ability;  in  fact,  he  has  had 
no  chance  to  show  his  qualities. 

In  June,  1904,  at  a  National  Convention, 
called  ostensibly  for  the  purpose  of  nominat- 
ing candidates  for  president  and  vice-pres- 
ident, the  Hon.  Ignacio  Mariscal,  Secretary 
of  Foreign  Eelations,  was  put  up  by  some 
delegates  for  the  second  place.  But  one  of  the 
260 


LAST  PHASE  OF  DIAZ'S  EVOLUTION 

members  of  the  convention  announced  from 
the  speakers'  desk  that  he  had  been  "in- 
structed to  present  as  official  candidate  "  for 
the  vice-presidency  Senor  Don  Eamon  Cor- 
ral, Secretary  of  the  Interior.  Senor  Corral 
was  nominated  by  the  convention. 

In  this  connection,  Senor  Mariscal  wrote, 
in  reply  to  a  letter  from  his  supporters,  a 
statement  (on  July  20th)  which  was  pub- 
lished by  all  the  papers.  In  it  he  expressed 
himself  with  his  usual  frankness,  saying  that 
if  he  had  foreseen  that  his  name  was  going 
to  be  proposed  he  would  have  made  every  ef- 
fort to  prevent  it.  He  added : 

"  I  never  have  aspired  to  the  vice-pres- 
idency, for  reasons  which  I  will  explain  fur- 
ther on,  nor  would  it  have  been  possible  for 
my  candidacy  to  succeed  against  that  of 
Senor  Corral,  which  had  already  been  cut  and 
dried  before  the  convention. 

"  Already  it  is  evident  that  the  candidacy 
of  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  has  much 
more  support  and  probability  of  success  at 
261 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

the  national  elections  than  it  had  at  the  time 
of  the  convention,  although  the  evidences 
were  many  and  great  at  that  time.  For  to- 
day he  has  the  declared  approval  of  the  Pres- 
ident to  count  upon,  as  was  shown  in  the 
speech  Diaz  made  at  the  National  Conven- 
tion, in  reference  to  his  own  candidacy  and 
that  of  Senor  Corral.  PRESIDENT  DIAZ'S 
OPINION,  THAT  OPINION  WHICH  HAS 
ON  SO  MANY  OCCASIONS  PROVED  ITS 
EFFECTIVENESS,  UNSUPPORTED  BY 
COMPULSION,  MERELY  BECAUSE  OF 
THE  ABSOLUTE  CONFIDENCE  WHICH 
HE  HAS  BEEN  ABLE  TO  INSPIRE, 
CONSTITUTES  THE  MOST  CERTAIN 
GUARANTEE  THAT  THE  CITIZEN  IN 
WHOSE  FAVOR  HE  HAS  DECLARED 
WILL  BE  ELECTED  VICE-PRESIDENT. 
It  would  have  been  foolish  of  me,  therefore, 
with  my  experience  of  years,  to  expect  any 
votes  to  speak  of  in  the  election  for  the  vice- 
presidency,  a  position  which  I  repeat  I  have 
no  desire  to  fill." 

262 


LAST  PHASE  OF  DIAZ'S  EVOLUTION 

Bead  as  you  will  the  words  of  this  honor- 
able and  sincere  man,  yon  will  always  come 
to  the  same  conclusion,  the  conclusion  that  I 
have  pronounced  at  the  beginning. 

Not  long  ago  (in  fact,  in  this  very  year, 
1907)  the  United  States  press  took  up  the 
question  of  a  successor  to  President  Diaz. 
Some  papers  predicted  that  Senor  Liman- 
tour,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  would 
succeed  him ;  others  mentioned  Senor  Corral ; 
and  still  others  mentioned  an  unknown  as 
his  probable  successor.  These  articles  caused 
great  alarm  in  Mexico,  and  among  the  papers 
at  the  Capital  which  took  up  the  affair  with 
fervor  there  was  one  hardy  enough  to  assert 
that  the  successor  to  President  Diaz  would 
be  the  "  LAW." 

I  can  say  with  all  sincerity  that  I  have  not 
the  slightest  idea  what  the  author  of  this 
riddle  was  driving  at.  Who  is  the  "law" 
and  what  is  the  "law"?  This  amounts  to 
a  justification  of  what  I  have  said  above, 
because  if  El  Diarlo,  the  paper  to  which  I 
is  263 


POKFIRIO   DIAZ 

refer,  thinks  that  Senor  Corral  is  the  legit- 
imate successor  of  the  President,  as  things 
stand  to-day,  it  should  have  made  its 
statement  categorical,  considering  that  the 
"  LAW,"  even  when  it  is  written  in  capitals, 
is  a  thing,  and  that  things  cannot  succeed 
persons,  for  there  cannot  be  any  Govern- 
ment except  through  the  instrumentality  of 
individuals.  Moreover,  in  the  last  analysis, 
the  "Law"  in  Mexico  is  General  Diaz,  and 
will  continue  to  be  as  long  as  he  lives ;  but  will 
cease  to  be  when  he  dies. 

At  the  present  time,  the  Liberal  party  is 
disorganized,  or  perhaps  one  might  better 
say  that  it  has  disappeared ;  for  it  no  longer 
exists  as  a  Liberal  party,  properly  speaking ; 
while  the  Clerical  party  is  better  organized 
than  ever,  and  is  possessed  of  far  greater  re- 
sources than  it  had  at  the  time  when  it  was 
forced,  as  a  measure  of  political  necessity,  to 
disentail  the  property  of  the  clergy.  It  is 
true  that  this  party  has  no  leader  of  repute, 
but  we  all  know  by  experience  that  necessity; 
264 


LAST  PHASE  OF  DIAZ'S  EVOLUTION 

always  creates  a  leader.  The  situation  is 
such,  then,  that  we  may  well  fear  that  a  re- 
action is  in  store,  and  that  it  will  precipitate 
an  uprising  as  sanguinary,  or  perhaps  even 
more  sanguinary,  than  the  Eevolution  of 
1857-1860,  because  the  Liberals,  the  Kadi- 
cals,  and  the  Jacobins  will  unite  to  fight  the 
common  enemy. 

But  looking  at  the  case  in  the  most  favor- 
able light  possible,  and  supposing  that  the 
President  should  die  without  completing  the 
evolution  which  we  all  anxiously  await,  and 
that  Corral  should  come  into  power  without 
opposition  or  mishap  of  any  kind,  and  with 
the  tacit  or  expressed  consent  of  all  the  peo- 
ple, how  would  he  govern?  To  return  at 
once  to  the  constitutional  regime,  that  is,  to 
respect  the  spirit  and  conform  to  the  letter 
of  the  Constitution,  would  be  difficult,  because 
it  would  be  necessary  to  begin  by  making 
radical  changes  in  the  direction  of  decentral- 
ization throughout  the  administrative  de- 
partment. This  would  be  sure  to  cause  dis- 
265 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

content  among  all  those  who  have  become 
accustomed  to  government  according  to  the 
present  system. 

To  continue  according  to  the  existing  plan 
would  be  dangerous  in  the  extreme,  because 
no  matter  how  talented  the  new  president 
might  be,  he  would  lack  the  prestige  of  Pres- 
ident Diaz,  and  fail  in  consequence.  The 
present  system  is  like  the  arms  of  Achilles, 
so  ponderous  that  no  one  else  could  support 
the  weight;  Patroclus  himself  was  borne 
down  by  it. 

Another  and  most  important  factor  in  the 
problem,  a  factor  which  would  stagger  the 
boldest,  is  our  public  debt ;  or,  more  correct- 
ly speaking,  our  foreign  debt.  It  amounts  to 
hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars  and  requires 
an  enormous  sum  to  pay  the  interest ;  a  sum 
which  must  be  forthcoming  with  perfect  regu- 
larity, not  only  because  the  reputation  of  the 
country  demands  it,  and  because  we  are  un- 
der formal  contract,  but  also  because  any 
lapse  would  imperil  the  credit  upon  which 
266 


LAST  PHASE  OF  DIAZ'S  EVOLUTION 

we  are  living,  disturb  our  friendly  relations 
with  other  countries,  and  therewith  our  free- 
dom from  anxiety,  lest  our  national  inde- 
pendence be  jeopardized  by  a  foreign  inter- 
vention or  a  degrading  protectorate.  I,  for 
one,  have  not  the  least  doubt  that  revolution 
would  bring  upon  us  unavoidably  these  un- 
happy consequences.  We  see,  then,  that  if 
President  Diaz  should  die,  leaving  affairs  as 
they  are  to-day,  we  should  find  ourselves  face 
to  face  with  this  terrifying  dilemma:  either 
hopeless  political  slavery,  or  revolution,  with 
the  danger  of  losing  our  separate  nation- 
ality. Either  horn  of  the  dilemma  would 
lead  to  equally  disastrous  consequences  for 
Mexico. 

President  Diaz  ought  not  to  count  upon 
another  reelection.  His  present  term  of 
office  expires  on  December  1,  1910 ;  that  is  to 
say,  when  President  Diaz  will  be  more  than 
eighty  years  old,  and  it  is  natural  to  suppose 
that  at  that  age  it  would  be  impossible  for 
him  to  continue  governing.  Therefore,  he 
267 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

must  accomplish  in  his  present  term  all  that 
he  hopes  to  bring  about.  There  is  no  time  for 
delay. 

The  President  has  probably  not  felt  him- 
self growing  old,  but  unquestionably  he  must 
have  done  so,  for  all  men  are  mortal,  and 
although  life  has  no  fixed  limits,  his  death 
cannot-  be  very  far  off,  judging  from  the 
President's  age,  his  stupendous  labors,  and 
the  normal  duration  of  human  life,  under 
such  conditions.  General  Diaz  may  not  be 
aware  of  his  approaching  end,  but,  like  every 
one  living,  he  must  be  traveling  inevitably 
toward  death. 

It  is  impossible  that  our  illustrious  ruler 
can  have  any  idea  of  leaving  us  such  a  polit- 
ical heritage,  one  whose  necessary  outcome 
would  be  fraudulent  bankruptcy,  bankruptcy 
of  principle,  bankruptcy  of  private  and  pub- 
lic interest,  a  condition  worse  than  chaos,  for 
chaos  is  always  looked  upon  as  a  beginning, 
and  this  would  be  an  ending. 

That  a  monarch  so  corrupt  as  Louis  XV 
268 


LAST  PHASE  OF  DIAZ'S  EVOLUTION 

should  exclaim :  "  After  me  the  deluge ! "  can 
be  understood,  but  it  is  unthinkable  that  a 
man  of  honor  like  President  Diaz  should 
leave  us  in  his  will  any  such  legacy!  It  is 
unthinkable,  I  repeat,  that  President  Diaz 
should  do  this,  because  in  that  event  the 
world,  upon  seeing  our  disasters,  would 
rightly  quote  to  us  the  words  of  the  Prophet 
to  the  effect  that  we  were  reaping  our  just 
deserts  for  having  embraced  ideas  of  com- 
promising peace  in  the  hour  of  our  ex- 
tremity. 

No,  it  is  not  possible  that  President  Diaz 
intends  to  have  us  pay  for  the  temporary  ad- 
vantages of  peace  the  price  of  national  ex- 
tinction. 

(Jeneral  Diaz  has  founded  a  school,  as 
it  were,  for  almost  all  the  South  American 
presidents  are  trying  to  imitate  him  by  cur- 
tailing public  liberties  and  endeavoring  to 
become  autocratic.  From  him  they  have 
learned  the  methods  which  lead  to  dictator- 
269 


PORFIRIO   DIAZ 

ship.  This  is  an  undeniable  fact,  and  because 
of  it  America,  perhaps  the  whole  world,  is 
watching  to  see  what  will  be  the  outcome  of 
President  Diaz's  administration.  If  his  evolu- 
tion ends  by  organizing  liberty  as  an  effective 
means  of  converting  arbitrarily  enforced 
order  into  organic  peace,  as  I  have  called  it, 
his  example  will  be  salutary,  because  it  will 
show  those  who  are  attempting  to  create 
autocracies  the  only  way  to  fulfill  patriot- 
ically and  honorably  the  obligation  which 
accompanies  power.  If  he  does  not  do  this, 
whether  for  lack  of  noble  purpose  or  for 
lack  of  time,  his  example  will  also  be  salu- 
tary to  the  people,  because  they  will  learn 
at  our  expense  never  for  any  reason  to  en- 
trust the  destinies  of  their  country  to  the 
hands  of  a  single  man,  no  matter  how  high- 
minded  he  may  be,  nor  how  conspicuous  the 
services  he  may  have  rendered  in  times  of 
danger. 

In  either  event,  I  trust  that  the  public  and 
their  rulers  will  not  forget  the  lesson. 
270 


LAST  PHASE  OF  DIAZ'S  EVOLUTION 

It  is  related  that  Napoleon  once  visited  the 
Jesuit  convent  in  Eome,  and  that  the  general 
of  the  order  acting  as  his  guide  showed  him 
all  the  different  departments,  explaining  the 
purposes  and  methods  of  each,  and  pointing 
out  the  suitability  of  the  instruction  as  a 
preparation  for  the  special  work  which  each 
group  was  destined  to  carry  forward.  All 
were  divided  into  groups,  devoted  to  differ- 
ent branches  of  science  and  art.  Finally, 
they  came  to  an  immense  hall  which  par- 
ticularly attracted  the  attention  of  the  Em- 
peror, because  the  pupils  in  it  looked  so 
very  unintelligent.  Unable  to  imagine  for 
what  purpose  such  youths  could  be  destined, 
he  asked  his  guide:  "What  on  earth  those 
stupid  boys  could  be  trained  to  do?"  The 
imperturbable  general  replied :  "  To  satisfy 
the  inexhaustible  demand  for  martyrs  to  the 
Japanese." 

General  Diaz  certainly  possesses  this  ad- 
mirable faculty  for  taking  advantage  of  the 
special  aptitudes  of  each  individual,  and 
271 


POBFIEIO   DIAZ 

assigning  to  him  the  position  which  best  fits 
his  capacity.  For  the  very  reason  that  I  rec- 
ognize in  him  this  distinguished  attribute,  I 
do  not  believe  that  he  has  created  such  an 
enormous  department  for  "  Martyrs  to  the 
Japanese  "  that  he  intends  to  place  in  it  the 
whole  population  of  Mexico.  Nor  do  I  be- 
lieve that  he  has  any  idea  of  continuing  the 
Government  after  his  death,  not  in  his  own 
person,  for  that  would  be  impossible,  but 
through  the  medium  of  a  man  imposed  upon 
the  nation  by  him  to  carry  on  the  work  from 
the  point  where  death  interposed.  I  do  not 
believe  this  is  possible,  for  President  Diaz  is 
a  strong  character,  and  would  naturally  wish 
to  complete  his  own  undertaking.  Therefore 
it  is  unthinkable  that  he  should  intend  to  give 
to  another  the  glory  of  perfecting  his  work. 
Nor  can  I  conceive  that  he  has  wished  to  rear 
an  edifice  at  the  cost  of  so  much  sacrifice,  only 
to  have  it  fall  as  the  tomb  closes  over  him, 
overthrown  by  the  inexperience  or  the  in- 
capacity of  a  successor  appointed  by  himself. 
272 


LAST  PHASE  OF  DIAZ'S  EVOLUTION 

For  in  the  first  case  the  fortunate  successor 
would  share  in  his  glory,  and  President  Diaz 
would  have  deferred  his  own  glorification 
until  after  death ;  in  the  second  case,  the  dis- 
astrous work  of  his  successor  would  obscure 
the  memory  of  the  "  Hero  of  Peace,"  a  title 
which  is  much  more  coveted  by  the  Presi- 
dent than  the  one  which  he  has  already  so 
justly  earned,  "  Hero  of  War."  There  is  no 
way  for  him  to  seal  his  career  with  golden 
opinions  and  to  assure  his  title  to  the  venera- 
tion of  the  nation  and  to  a  lasting  place  in 
history  but  that  of  converting  "mechanical 
peace"  into  "organic  peace,"  founding  it 
upon  Liberty,  and  remembering  always  that 
"  PEACE  IMPLIES  NOT  ONLY  OEDEE, 
BUT  FEEEDOM." 

It  is  meet  to  "  render  unto  Caesar  the  things 
which  are  Caesar's,"  and  unto  the  people  that 
which  is  theirs  by  right. 

The  standards  of  the  people  must  be  raised 
and  invigorated,  for  a  sound,  active  public 
opinion  is  indispensable  as  a  basis  of  insti- 
273 


POEFIEIO   DIAZ 

tutions  and  nations.  Where  this  element  is 
lacking,  there  is  no  people,  in  the  true  sig- 
nification of  the  word,  but  only  a  degraded 
multitude.  Liberty  attaches  man  to  the 
soil  more  than  material  possessions.  Con- 
sequently peoples  deprived  of  liberty  are 
ripe  for  conquest;  having  nothing  to  lose, 
they  make  no  effort  to  defend  themselves, 
but  allow  a  foreign  power  to  enslave  them. 
Such  is  the  effect  of  tyranny.  Peoples  thus 
pacified,  who  accept  order  without  liberty, 
are  like  the  ox,  fit  for  service,  but  not  for 
the  perpetuation  of  their  national  existence. 

There  are  peoples,  like  the  English,  who 
respect  law,  but  repudiate  authority;  there 
are  peoples,  like  most  of  the  Latins,  who  re- 
spect authority,  but  despise  the  law.  We 
Mexicans  must  be  brought  to  understand  that 
the  law  is  above  all  and  that  our  first  duty 
is  to  obey  it  and  make  others  obey  it;  that 
when  a  government  over-rides  the  law  it  be- 
comes an  outlaw  and  a  public  enemy. 

We  must  restore  in  all  its  fullness  the 
274 


LAST  PHASE  OF  DIAZ'S  EVOLUTION 

true  conception  of  citizenship  and  make  it 
understood  that  there  is  no  title  of  nobility 
to  compare  with  that  of  citizen,  because  class 
distinctions  always  imply,  on  the  one  hand, 
relative  superiority  and,  on  the  other,  abject 
inferiority;  while  citizenship  implies  free 
men  in  a  free  country  with  equal  rights, 
equal  obligations,  and  absolute  equality  be- 
fore the  law. 

We  must  also  make  the  people  understand 
that  the  political  rights  which  the  law  con- 
cedes and  guarantees  to  them  are  at  the  same 
time  sacred  duties  which  they  must  fulfill 
religiously,  under  pain  of  being  considered 
traitors  to  their  country ;  for  he  who  does  not 
take  his  part  in  political  affairs,  fails  to  go 
to  the  polls,  or  permits  trickery  and  falsifi- 
cation of  the  returns,  commits  a  crime  which 
injures  him,  and  is  all  the  more  culpable  be- 
cause it  carries  with  it  consequences  fatal  to 
the  whole  of  society. 

It  is  indispensable  that  the  people  who 
work  and  pay  the  taxes,  whose  resources 
275 


POBFIBIO   DIAZ 

constitute  the  national  wealth,  should  freely 
elect  in  the  manner  prescribed  by  the  Con- 
stitution their  representatives,  and  through 
them  have  absolute  power  to  decide  how 
heavy  the  burden  of  taxation  should  be,  what 
proportion  should  be  raised  from  each  field, 
and  in  what  manner  the  taxes  should  be  col- 
lected and  distributed. 

We  must  blot  out  every  principle  of 
oligarchy,  put  a  stop  to  the  system  of  legis- 
lative commissions,  and  eliminate  every  trace 
of  autocracy.  We  must  put  into  practice  the 
principle  that  the  power  of  government  does 
not  reside  in  the  Executive,  but  that  it  is 
exercised  jointly  by  the  Executive,  Legis- 
lative, and  Judicial  branches,  not  as  three 
distinct  powers,  but  as  three  phases  or  man- 
ifestations of  a  single  united  Government. 
Each  branch  has  its  field  of  action  clearly 
defined  by  the  Constitution;  to  the  Legis- 
lative department  is  assigned  the  power  to 
make  the  laws,  to  the  Executive  that  of 
putting  them  into  force,  and  to  the  Judi- 
276 


LAST  PHASE  OF  DIAZ'S  EVOLUTION 

cial  that  of  seeing  that  the  laws  are  complied 
with. 

It  is  advisable  to  leave  the  way  open  for 
the  exercise  of  all  aspirations  and  all  apti- 
tudes, and  not  to  direct  the  latter,  nor  to 
encourage  the  former  in  an  arbitrary  or 
capricious  manner,  injurious  to  the  dignity 
of  the  individual  and  prejudicial  to  the  best 
interests  of  the  nation.  It  is  wise  to  concede 
the  greatest  liberty  to  the  expression  of 
ideas.  That  public  which  cannot  complain 
openly  will  conspire  in  secret.  To  gag  the 
political  orator  is  to  arm  the  political  assas- 
sin. In  those  countries  in  which  the  press 
is  restricted,  we  find  demoralization  due  to 
the  fact  that  the  privileged  incendiary  goes 
free,  while  the  honest  man  who  raises  the 
cry  of  alarm  is  imprisoned. 

Another  anomaly  common  in  countries  de- 
void of  freedom  is  that  it  is  sometimes  con- 
venient for  an  office-seeker  to  expose  his 
vices  and  always  dangerous  for  any  citizen 
to  show  his  virtues.  For  this  reason  it  has 
277 


POEFIBIO   DIAZ 


always  been  the  part  of  wisdom  in  times  of 
tyranny  to  avoid  exhibiting  too  much  intel- 
ligence or  too  high  a  sense  of  honor.  For 
just  as  nothing  is  so  exasperating  to  the 
millionaire  as  a  man  upon  whom  his  millions 
make  no  impression,  so  it  happens  that  to  a 
despot  nothing  seems  so  worthy  of  punish- 
ment as  a  character  or  an  intelligence  su- 
perior to  his  own.  Any  system  of  politics  is 
bad  in  which  the  term  society  is  applied  only 
to  the  small  group  of  people  who  act  accord- 
ing to  the  ideas  of  the  ruler ;  the  term  people 
to  those  who  are  sufficiently  docile  to  allow 
themselves  to  be  managed,  while  to  the  rest 
is  applied  such  depreciative  epithets  as  popu- 
lace, horde,  rabble.  It  is  necessary  to  accept 
the  people  in  its  entirety,  to  try  to  achieve 
the  greatest  good  for  the  greatest  number, 
without  entering  into  political  distinctions  or 
metaphysical  subtleties. 

To  accomplish  the  good  results  outlined 
above,  there  are  only  two  methods :  evolution 

278 


LAST  PHASE  OF  DIAZ'S  EVOLUTION 

and  revolution.  Eevolution  can  be  put  into 
practice  only  by  the  people ;  evolution  can  be 
realized,  in  this  case,  only  by  President  Diaz. 
For  him  there  is  nothing  easier.  His  wish 
alone  would  be  sufficient.  All  that  is  needed 
is  to  have  him  put  the  Constitution  into  force, 
slowly  but  surely,  in  order  that  the  people 
may  become  accustomed  to  the  exercise  of 
their  rights.  It  would  be  well  to  begin  by 
permitting  the  people,  nay,  even  obliging 
them,  if  necessary,  to  elect  their  municipal 
authorities,  guaranteeing  to  them  the  invio- 
lability of  their  vote,  and  protecting  them 
against  the  vengeance  of  the  local  authori- 
ties. Let  us  do  the  same  with  each  state 
governorship,  as  the  term  of  office  expires, 
in  order  that  the  citizens  may  freely  elect 
whomever  they  consider  most  worthy  to 
occupy  this  distinguished  position.  When 
the  time  for  election  of  representatives, 
senators,  magistrates,  and  public  officials  of 
all  kinds  arrives,  let  us  inaugurate  the  same 
truly  popular  elections. 
19  279 


PORFIB^  Z 

Let  the  President  return  to  the  Legisla- 
ture all  its  prerogatives,  and  never  a$k  for 
nor  accept  extraordinary  powers  to  be  used 
in  any  branch  of  the  Government,  unless,  of 
course,  in  case  of  serious  danger  to  the  main- 
tenance of  order,  or  to  the  perpetuation  of  our 
institutions.  Greater  scope  should  be  given 
to  personal  initiative  and  to  individual  am- 
bition, in  order  that  each  one  may  show 
his  abilities,  develop  them,  and  thus  become 
of  greater  value  to  the  country.  The  people 
should  be  free  to  express  their  opinions  in 
writing,  in  print,  or  orally,  and  the  country 
should  no  longer  have  forced  upon  it  a  sub- 
sidized press.  Public  ideals  should  be  allowed 
to  grow  again,  and  every  one  should  be  per- 
mitted to  work  for  the  ideals  in  which  he 
believes,  without  hindrance,  and  with  the  sole 
condition  that  he  shall  not  transgress  the 
law.  The  president  should  not  maintain  any 
ring  of  personal  favorites,  but  should  ally 
himself  to  the  people. 

This  is  little,  but  it  is  all  that  is  needed, 
280 


LAST  PHASE  OI 

The  President  has  only  to  say  to  the  cat, 
tic  people,  "  Arise  and  walk."    In  doing  th. 
General   Diaz  would   seal  his   career  with 
golden  opinions,  and  assure  to  his  people  a 
future  of  peace,  liberty,  and  happiness.    If 
his  life  is  spared,  as  I  hope  with  all  my  heart 
that  it  may  be,  there  is  yet  time  in  the  three 
remaining  years  of  his  presidency  to  bring 
about  the  evolution  which  T  have  pointed  out. 

I  have  now  i\ 
The  purp 

to  a  brief,  sympathetic  treatment  of  the 
causes  which  have  brought  about  Mexico's 
present  condition;  but  the  reader  will  find 
detailed  information  and  an  exhaustive  anal- 
ysis in  another  work,  which  I  shall  shortly 
give  to  the  press. 

From  what  I  have  written,  it  is  evident  that 
as  yet  it  is  not  possible  to  make  up  the  "Pres- 1 
ident's  account.    Whether  the  final 
will  be  in  his  favor  or  against  hin 
pend  upon  his  future  actions.    President 
281 


PORFIEIO    DIAZ 

has  it  in  his  power  to  pass  into  history  as 
the  "  FATHEE  OF  HIS  COUNTRY,"  a  title 
which  up  to  the  present  time  Washington 
alone  has  deserved,  or  to  leave  the  reputation 
of  a  man  who,  in  spite  of  great  ability, 
strayed  from  the  way,  disappointed  public 
confidence,  and  brought  to  naught  the  sac- 
rifices of  his  fellow-citizens.  Even  in  that 
event,  it  may  be  that  flattery  and  intellectual 
superficiality,  seeing  only  the  outside  of 
*M#gs,  will  still  contend  that  President  Diaz 
was  the  creator  of  a  nation.  History  will 
make  the  inexorable  reply,  "  He  created  a 
nation,  but  he  destroyed  a  people." 

NEW  YORK,  June,  1907. 

THE  END 


LOAN  OEPT 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA,  LIBRARY 


